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CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping Hardcover – July 30, 2016

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Xi Jinping, president of China, is now undoubtedly one of the most powerful men in the world. This is the first biography of Xi in English and provides a lucid and readable account of his background, rise to power and political background.

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Xi Jinping: The Backlash

Richard mcgregor.

144 pages, Paperback

Published December 15, 2019

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Xi Jinping’s Book List: “You Are What You Read”

Posted by Samuel Wade | Oct 17, 2016

On Friday, The Washington Post’s Simon Denyer noted Chinese bookstores’ removal or defacing of pages bearing definitions for “Taiwan” from imported dictionaries. At Language Log, Victor Mair responded by recalling similar tales of censorship and self-censorship , including the long-running debate over the choices Western authors face when seeking Chinese publication . Mair concluded:

Do the CCP authorities believe that, by tearing out pages of a dictionary, they can obliterate Taiwan from humanity’s conscience and the face of the earth? […] This is why I have said that it doesn’t matter what palatial bookstores Taiwan or other free societies might construct in China, they will not help to open the minds of the Chinese people because their contents will be intellectually gutted by China’s ruthless censors. […] What happens with these fancy Taiwan and Hong Kong bookstores on the mainland is that the books are largely pablum, while the excitement comes from the decor, the cafes, the controlled lectures, etc., in other words, everything but books with truly thought-provoking contents. [ Source ]

The topic of mind-opening reading material also arose on Chinese social media recently when People’s Daily’s published a description of Xi Jinping’s favorite books , and his conviction that great literature “possesses the ultimate power to move people and shape morality” ( Chinese ). The article marked the second anniversary of Xi’s landmark speech at a symposium for writers and artists which The Financial Times’ Lucy Hornby recently described as “the watershed for intellectuals” under his rule :

The text of Xi’s speech was not made publicly available until late 2015. But when it was, his take on contemporary literature caused many to shiver. The president denounced works that “ridicule the sublime, warp the classics, subvert history or defile the masses and heroic characters” and those wherein “good and evil cannot be distinguished, ugliness replaces beauty and the dark side of society is overemphasised”. Instead, he decreed, writers should produce works with “positive energy”. [ Source ]

Xi’s recommendations in the People’s Daily piece highlight Chinese and Russian classics, while also touching on American, French, and German works. Even so, Weibo user Muyao ( @木遥 ) was unsatisfied with the scope of Xi’s reading. Some previous commenters have complained that Xi seems to have learned surprisingly little from his purportedly expansive literary diet . But in a now-deleted post, Muyao painted Xi as a victim of his Mao-era upbringing, lamenting that the tightly controlled reading material available during his youth actually offered only a narrow window on the world beyond China . This, he argues, has left its mark on Xi’s current leadership style, which has increasingly been characterised by sharp suspicion of the West . Despite frequent reports of fierce nationalism among today’s younger generation , Muyao expresses optimism about those who have grown up in a more open China. Translated by CDT:

A certain person’s literary recommendations have flooded my social media timeline. In fact, I do believe he’s read those books. The book consumption of folks in the era before online distractions was amazing. I remember that the number I read before getting online far exceeded the total I’ve managed in the decade or two since. There were a couple of years where you could really call it a passionate thirst. I can’t even imagine his appetite for literature while he was sent down to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution. The problem is that his reading was too uniform. Looking at his list took me back to the books that my parents accumulated when I was little. Those 1970s-era restricted publications, the plain-bound 19th Century classic novels from the People’s Literary Press, Stendhal, Balzac, Hugo, and the Soviet novels and Chinese classics. Any home bookshelves at that time must have had the same volumes, and his were certainly no exception. But he himself admits that he hasn’t read American literature, apart from a few short works by Mark Twain and Hemingway. In fact, it’s not just American, but the whole of 20th Century Western literature, because it wasn’t available then. I bet he hasn’t read Faulkner, or Kafka, or Kundera, or Borges, or Nabokov, or Calvino. As for me, I didn’t come into contact with these until I was buying my own books during middle school, and they were all published after the 1980s. By then, he’d already begun his official career in Hebei, and mustn’t have had time for them. This isn’t just about adding to the book list, it’s a completely different dimension. I still remember the sense of unfamiliarity when I first read them; this new world was extremely hard to absorb. (People ten years younger than me probably don’t have this problem: they’ve grown up exposed to it, but I didn’t.) If he’d read those books when he was young, it’s quite possible he’d be a different leader today. “You are what you eat,” spiritually as well as physically. It’s a shame he didn’t. [ Chinese ]

Categories : China & the World , Culture & the Arts , Level 2 Article , Level 3 Article , Level 4 Article , Politics , Society , Taiwan , Top Article

Tags : books , Cultural Revolution , foreign hostile forces , literature , positive energy , Western values , Xi Jinping

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Is Chinese President Xi Jinping's Book of Speeches Really a Best Seller?

A newsstand vendor returns change to a customer near a book titled <i>Xi Jinping: The Governance of China</i> displayed on sale in central Beijing on Dec. 10, 2014 (Jason Lee—Reuters)

T his September, China’s President Xi Jinping will travel to the U.S ., the confident leader’s first state visit there since taking helm of the world’s second largest economy in late 2012. Americans who wish to know Xi better will get a chance next month when his book will be formally launched in the U.S. during a New York City book fair.

The first book to be published by a sitting Chinese President, Xi Jinping: the Governance of China is a 516-page collection of 79 of Xi’s speeches, interviews, instructions and correspondence — all clarified by notes on China’s history and culture. The book’s plain white cover features Xi’s disembodied head floating above the title. Readers can peruse 45 biographical pictures inside. Chapters look at China’s economic development, ecology and the unfolding anticorruption campaign. An English-language hardcover edition is listed at $32.56 on Amazon.

The book’s U.S. launch in late May will occur at BookExpo America (BEA), according to its Chinese publisher, which is sending a delegation to attend the trade fair. This year, BEA will be focusing on China. The China-related books that will be on offer tend to hew to a version of Chinese history that will surely please the Chinese Communist Party. Events at the New York book fair include sessions on a 25-volume collection that gives a “panoramic view of the crimes committed to the Chinese people by Japanese militarists” and a study of the time Xi’s father Xi Zhongxun spent as a communist revolutionary in the caves of Yan’an.

During the British launch of Xi’s compendium earlier this month at the London Book Fair, China’s Ambassador to the U.K. Liu Xiaoming described it — and the man himself — in glowing terms. “Readers will appreciate President Xi’s wisdom, charisma and leadership style,” Liu said on April 15. “President Xi has a literary style that is sincere, candid, unadorned and vivid.” Late last year, Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg, whose social-media site is currently banned in China, was quoted by Chinese media saying he had bought the book for his employees so that they could understand China’s political system.

The Xi book’s publisher claims it has already sold 4 million copies since last year, including 400,000 copies overseas. Foreign-language editions have been published in English, French, Russian, Arabic, Spanish, Portuguese, German and Japanese.

Yet on Amazon, the hardcover English edition of Xi’s book is 420,914th in the website’s April 20 sales rankings. Xi’s speeches and other musings are not included among this year’s top 100 best sellers on Dangdang, a leading Chinese online bookstore. (The book, however, is listed as the 53rd most popular book on Dangdang over the past 30 days.) Currently, Dangdang’s top-selling book is a Chinese translation of The Kite Runner .

While China-watchers, like Zuckerberg, may be poring over Xi’s tome, the reaction at home, where the book sells for roughly $13, may be different. At the Beijing Xidan bookstore, a store manager surnamed Yang said her shop was offering a deal in which people who purchased more than 1,000 copies could receive a 15% discount. But Yang admits Xi’s book isn’t selling very well. “The book is not cheap,” she says.

Chinese Communist Party members and civil servants are regularly instructed to read up on key speeches by top officials. Perhaps that’s why there’s not as much interest in buying Xi’s book. “Why should I bother reading his book if I haven’t been asked to read it?” asks a 26-year-old health and family-planning official from Sichuan, who declined to give her name because of the sensitivity of the topic. “We are actually pretty busy.”

— With reporting by Gu Yongqiang / Beijing

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Whether you agree with Xi or not, reading his book is the best way to understand what’s next for China.

China’s Internet tsar, Lu Wei, recently visited the office of Mark Zuckerberg, the CEO of Facebook. Lu found the The Governance of China, a collection of speeches by Xi Jinping, on Zuckerberg’s desk, which caused great debate at home and abroad when a photograph of the meeting was made public. Overseas media, of course, mostly mocked Zuckerberg for “pandering” to China, and even some Chinese people remain unimpressed.

Shortly before this incident, I posted photos on my microblog showing that I bought this book in Nanchang and was reading it during my travels. Those photos also attracted sarcastic remarks from netizens. A friend asked me, why are you reading Xi Jinping’s book?

In November, in a strange coincidence, I happened to have separate opportunities to give a lecture before cadres from a Chinese government department and to meet with a group of foreign scholars to talk about China’s diplomacy. During both meetings, I asked the attendees the same question: “Have you read Xi Jinping’s The Governance of China ? Because in a moment I’d like to talk about this book.”

To my surprise, in this group of cadres from the Chinese mainland, not one raised a hand, while half of the foreign experts already had a copy of the English edition, and one third of them had already read half the book or more. Certainly there’s a difference between cadres and scholars but after all, this is a Chinese leader talking about governing the country; what harm is there in reading it? I guess some cadres believe that they have always had to take part in study activities, so there’s no need to concentrate on this leader’s book. There’s another reason worth mentioning: most of what has been included in the collected writings of past leaders are official essays – the vocabulary, sentence structure, and basic thoughts are all mostly the same. Many cadres think it’s all talk, not something leaders will truly do (plus, it’s very boring to read).

There are two Chinese leaders who put their political programs into books: Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. The problem is that Mao Zedong was basically a “philosopher” with his head in the clouds; the things he said are confusing to people. And Deng Xiaoping was too simplistic – he decided the course of the nation in a few words, so there was no need to listen to the rest of his talk. As for the later leaders, many of their speeches rarely specifically involve what they’re actually going to go. Plus, of the things they did say they wanted to do, many of those idea were never put into practice.

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But since Xi Jinping came to power, I’ve discovered something: many of the things he’s done, he’s already talked about – and he will definitely do the things he says. Whether you like his views or not, if you want to understand China under Xi, the easiest way is to read this book. Xi has been in power for just a little over two years; he’s given many speeches, but this collection has been edited into only one volume. Still, in this one book he not only speaks in detail about everything from anti-corruption and cleaning up the Party to economic reform, caring for lower classes, and foreign policy, he also has acted on almost everything he talks about. It’s because of this that I believe reading his book is important for understanding China and Xi’s ideas on governance, and it’s important for those concepts I have always promoted in China: democracy, freedom, and the rule of law. Chinese cadres especially should read this book.

I once asked some Chinese cadres what they thought about China’s foreign policy since Xi came to power. They babbled on about becoming “tougher and tougher,” “teaching this or that country a lesson,” and how a “risen China will set new rules for the game.” I asked doubtfully, “Who said all that stuff? How come I didn’t see it in the foreign policy chapters of The Governance of China ? From what I saw in that book, Xi’s foreign policy line is completely different!” Some of these government insiders were a bit perplexed. They couldn’t understand how an outsider netizen like me could use their general secretary’s book to argue with them.

Actually, as a scholar who researches international politics and China-U.S. politics, I also read every speech given by Barack Obama, as well as the newest comments and articles from every think tanker Obama relies on. Once I’ve understood all that, I basically know what policies Obama will put forward, no matter what.

For the same reason, how could anyone who cares about Chinese politics and China’s future not read Xi’s The Governance of China ? For that matter, if Internet giant Mark Zuckerberg wants to bring Facebook to China and broaden his business prospects, it’s completely normal for him to first use Xi’s book to understand the thoughts of China’s top leaders. “Know yourself and know your enemy,” as Sun Tzu said.

The last time I was in Beijing I met with a friend who does policy research for the government. We were discussing Xi’s thoughts on governance and his specific actions, and I was stunned by this friend’s magnificent words. As our talk was drawing to an end, he remembered to ask me if I had any interesting news from abroad to share with him. I jokingly pulled out a book from my bag and gave it to him. He looked suspicious when he saw it was The Governance of China, published in Beijing. I said, “Actually, what you most need to read is this book. Everything Xi will do is written quite clearly inside.”

Whether you like or dislike him, support or oppose him, reading Xi’s book will be greatly helpful if you want to understand where China is headed next. So why wouldn’t you read it? By the way, I have to announce that this isn’t a book review – I didn’t take any money to advertise it!

This piece originally appeared in Chinese on Yang Hengjun’s blog. The original post can be found here .

Yang Hengjun is a Chinese independent scholar, novelist, and blogger. He once worked in the Chinese Foreign Ministry and as a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington, DC. Yang received his Ph.D. from the University of Technology, Sydney in Australia. His Chinese language blog is featured on major Chinese current affairs and international relations portals and his pieces receive millions of hits. Yang’s blog can be accessed at www.yanghengjun.com .

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Who is xi jinping.

Xi Jinping is a politician and government official who became president of China in 2013 and general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012. He was also vice president of China from 2008 to 2013.

Xi Jinping is the son of Xi Zhongxun, who once served as deputy prime minister of China. Xi Zhongxun was often out of favor with his party and government, especially before and during the Cultural Revolution and after he openly criticized the government’s actions during the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident.

Who is Xi Jinping's wife?

Xi Jinping married the popular folksinger Peng Liyuan in 1987.

When did Xi Jinping become the president of China?

Xi Jinping became president of the People’s Republic of China in 2013.

Xi Jinping was elected to a second term as president of China in March 2018. Also in 2018, the National People’s Congress passed an amendment abolishing term limits for China's president and vice president. This allowed Xi Jinping to remain in office beyond 2023, when he would have been due to step down.

Xi Jinping , (born June 15?, 1953, Fuping county, Shaanxi province, China), Chinese politician and government official who served as vice president of the People’s Republic of China (2008–13), general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP; 2012– ), and president of China (2013– ).

Xi Jinping was the son of Xi Zhongxun, who once served as deputy prime minister of China and was an early comrade-in-arms of Mao Zedong . The elder Xi, however, was often out of favour with his party and government, especially before and during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) and after he openly criticized the government’s actions during the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident . The younger Xi’s early childhood was largely spent in the relative luxury of the residential compound of China’s ruling elite in Beijing . During the Cultural Revolution, however, with his father purged and out of favour, Xi Jinping was sent to the countryside in 1969 (he went to largely rural Shaanxi province), where he worked for six years as a manual labourer on an agricultural commune. During that period he developed an especially good relationship with the local peasantry, which would aid the wellborn Xi’s credibility in his eventual rise through the ranks of the CCP.

In 1974 Xi became an official party member, serving as a branch secretary, and the following year he began attending Beijing’s Tsinghua University, where he studied chemical engineering . After graduating in 1979, he worked for three years as secretary to Geng Biao, who was then the vice premier and minister of national defense in the central Chinese government.

In 1982 Xi gave up that post, choosing instead to leave Beijing and work as a deputy secretary for the CCP in Hebei province. He was based there until 1985, when he was appointed a party committee member and a vice mayor of Xiamen (Amoy) in Fujian province. While living in Fujian, Xi married the well-known folksinger Peng Liyuan in 1987. He continued to work his way upward, and by 1995 he had ascended to the post of deputy provincial party secretary.

In 1999 Xi became acting governor of Fujian, and he became governor the following year. Among his concerns as Fujian’s head were environmental conservation and cooperation with nearby Taiwan . He held both the deputy secretarial and governing posts until 2002, when he was elevated yet again: that year marked his move to Zhejiang province, where he served as acting governor and, from 2003, party secretary. While there he focused on restructuring the province’s industrial infrastructure in order to promote sustainable development.

Xi’s fortunes got another boost in early 2007 when a scandal surrounding the upper leadership of Shanghai led to his taking over as the city’s party secretary. His predecessor in the position was among those who had been tainted by a wide-ranging pension fund scheme. In contrast to his reformist father, Xi had a reputation for prudence and for following the party line, and as Shanghai’s secretary his focus was squarely on promoting stability and rehabilitation of the city’s financial image. He held the position for only a brief period, however, as he was selected in October 2007 as one of the nine members of the standing committee of the CCP’s Political Bureau (Politburo), the highest ruling body in the party.

With that promotion, Xi was put on a short list of likely successors to Hu Jintao , general secretary of the CCP since 2002 and president of the People’s Republic since 2003. Xi’s status became more assured when in March 2008 he was elected vice president of China. In that role he focused on conservation efforts and on improving international relations . In October 2010 Xi was named vice chairman of the powerful Central Military Commission (CMC), a post once held by Hu (who since 2004 had been chair of the commission) and generally considered a major stepping-stone to the presidency. In November 2012, during the CCP’s 18th party congress, Xi was again elected to the standing committee of the Political Bureau (reduced to seven members), and he succeeded Hu as general secretary of the party. At that time Hu also relinquished the chair of the CMC to Xi. On March 14, 2013, he was elected president of China by the National People’s Congress.

Among Xi’s first initiatives was a nationwide anti-corruption campaign that soon saw the removal of thousands of high and low officials (both “tigers” and “flies”). Xi also emphasized the importance of the “ rule of law ,” calling for adherence to the Chinese constitution and greater professionalization of the judiciary as a means of developing “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Under Xi’s leadership China was increasingly assertive in international affairs, insisting upon its claim of territorial sovereignty over nearly all of the South China Sea despite an adverse ruling by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague and promoting its “One Belt, One Road” initiative for joint trade, infrastructure, and development projects with East Asian, Central Asian, and European countries.

Xi managed to consolidate power at a rapid pace during his first term as China’s president. The success of his anti-corruption campaign continued, with more than one million corrupt officials being punished by late 2017; the campaign also served to remove many of Xi’s political rivals, further bolstering his efforts to eliminate dissent and strengthen his grip on power. In October 2016 the CCP bestowed upon him the title of “core leader,” which previously had been given only to influential party figures Mao Zedong , Deng Xiaoping , and Jiang Zemin ; the title immediately raised his stature. A year later the CCP voted to enshrine Xi’s name and ideology , described as “thought” (“Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in a New Era”), in the party’s constitution, an honour previously awarded only to Mao. Xi’s ideology was later enshrined in the country’s constitution by an amendment passed by the National People’s Congress (NPC) in March 2018. During the same legislative session, the NPC also passed other amendments to the constitution, including one that abolished term limits for the country’s president and vice president; this change would allow Xi to remain in office beyond 2023, when he would have been due to step down. The NPC also unanimously elected Xi to a second term as president of the country in March.

Xi’s power and influence were bolstered in 2021 when the CCP passed a historical resolution in November that reviewed the party’s “major achievements and historical experience” of the past 100 years and looked to future plans as well. It featured praise for Xi’s leadership; more than half of the document was devoted to the accomplishments under Xi in the nine years he had led the party, such as reducing poverty and curbing corruption. It was only the third such resolution in the party’s history—the previous two were passed under Mao and Deng—and it elevated Xi’s status, ensuring that he would be seen as a significant figure in the party’s history.

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China’s Leader, With Rare Bluntness, Blames U.S. Containment for Troubles

Xi Jinping criticized what he called a U.S.-led campaign of “encirclement and suppression.” His new foreign minister said it was impossible for China not to fight back.

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Three Chinese officials in western suits and red ties sit in a row behind a long wooden desk, with two other officials in suits behind them.

By Keith Bradsher

Reporting from Beijing

As he heads into an expected third term as president, China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, is signaling that he will take a harder stance against what he perceives as an effort by the United States to block China’s rise. And he’s doing so in uncommonly blunt terms.

Mr. Xi has hailed China’s success as proof that modernization does not equal Westernization. He has urged China to strive to develop advanced technologies to reduce its reliance on Western know-how. Then on Monday, he made clear what he regarded as an important threat to China’s growth: the United States.

“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-around containment, encirclement and suppression of China, which has brought unprecedented severe challenges to our country’s development,” Mr. Xi said in a speech , according to China’s official news agency.

In an indication that Mr. Xi’s forthright approach signaled a broader shift in Beijing’s rhetoric, China’s new foreign minister on Tuesday reinforced Mr. Xi’s message about containment.

Mr. Xi’s new directness could play well at home with a nationalist audience but risks raising wariness abroad at a time when Beijing has sought to stabilize ties with the West. It reflects how he is bracing for more confrontation and competition between the world’s two largest economies.

His meeting with President Biden in November had raised hopes that Beijing and Washington might try to arrest the downward spiral in relations. Tensions have since only escalated over American support of Taiwan, the democratically governed island Beijing claims as its territory, as well as U.S. accusations that China operates a fleet of spy balloons, a claim China has denied.

The Biden administration has depicted Mr. Xi as seeking to reshape the United States-led international order to bolster Beijing’s interests. China’s close alignment with Russia, at a time when the West is seeking to isolate Moscow over its war on Ukraine, has intensified concerns about a new type of cold war.

“This is the first time to my knowledge that Xi Jinping has publicly come out and identified the U.S. as taking such actions against China,” said Michael Swaine, a senior research fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. “It is, without doubt, a response to the harsh criticisms of China, and of Xi Jinping personally, that Biden and many in the administration have leveled in recent months.”

China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, the former ambassador to the United States, defended Beijing’s right to respond.

“The United States actually wants China not to fight back when hit or cursed, but this is impossible,” he said at a news conference in Beijing on Tuesday.

Better Understand the Relations Between China and the U.S.

The two nations are jockeying for influence on the global stage, maneuvering for advantages on land, in the economy and in cyberspace..

Mr. Qin also called for the United States to take a less confrontational stance toward his country. “If the U.S. doesn’t step on the brakes but continues to speed up, no guardrail can stop the derailment,” he said.

China has come under increasing pressure from the United States and its allies to use its influence on Russia to stop the Ukraine war. Washington has also publicly accused China of considering sending weapons to Russia for its war, prompting a flurry of warnings from Western officials that Beijing would face consequences for such an action.

Mr. Qin, the foreign minister, denied the weapons allegations and criticized U.S. weapons sales to Taiwan. He blamed an “invisible hand” — the United States, in other words — for escalating the conflict in Ukraine.

China “is not a party to the crisis and has not provided weapons to either side of the conflict,” Mr. Qin said. “So on what basis is this talk of blame, sanctions and threats against China? This is absolutely unacceptable.”

Asked for the Biden administration’s response to Mr. Xi’s criticism of the United States, John Kirby, a spokesman for the National Security Council, said, “We seek a strategic competition with China, we do not seek conflict.”

“There is nothing about our approach to this most consequential of bilateral relationships that should lead anybody to think we want conflict,” Mr. Kirby added, reiterating that the administration still does not support independence for Taiwan.

China’s ambitions have also fueled pressure and scrutiny from the United States on trade and technology. As China has built the world’s largest navy and asserted its claims over Taiwan and the South China Sea, a bipartisan consensus has formed in Washington in favor of reducing American dependence on manufactured goods from China and restricting Beijing’s access to advanced technologies that could be used in war.

The tariffs that President Donald J. Trump imposed on a wide range of Chinese exports to the United States are still mostly in place. President Biden has also imposed broad curbs on the export to China of semiconductors and semiconductor manufacturing equipment. The Biden administration and Congress have increased their scrutiny of Chinese investments in the United States and begun looking at limits on American investments in China’s tech sector.

These restrictions come as the Communist Party has sought to focus its efforts on reviving the economy, which grew only 3 percent last year, falling far short of the government’s target. The Chinese government’s “zero Covid” policy of citywide lockdowns, mass testing and quarantines forced many businesses to shutter, disrupted industrial supply chains and severely damaged consumer confidence, especially last year.

Mr. Xi pointed to the United States’ restrictions as holding back growth, but Washington’s trade measures had little immediate effect on overall trade.

His comments about the United States were part of a speech he made to a Chinese business group. He urged private companies — a main driver of growth and jobs — to work with the party to help China counter the challenges posed by U.S. containment.

“We must remain calm, maintain concentration, seek progress while maintaining stability, take active actions, unite as one, and dare to fight,” he said, according to the report by Chinese television.

Mr. Xi has held China up as a model for other countries — one that offers a different path to prosperity than the West’s. This worldview rejects liberal democracy and a heavy reliance on the private sector and favors a model that emphasizes the centrality of the Communist Party and an increasingly state-led model of economic development.

But his speech on Monday was broadly aimed at reassuring the audience that the Chinese government still wants private businesses to play a large role in the country’s economy. The recent disappearance into government custody of a top banker for the tech sector has unnerved many tech executives . The state-owned banking system has also been steering much of its lending to state-owned enterprises instead of private businesses.

Mr. Xi sought to assure private companies that the party embraced them as “one of us.” At the same time, he said they had a responsibility to assist the party in achieving “common prosperity,” a slogan about reducing income inequality that has been linked to crackdowns on tycoons.

China’s propaganda apparatus appeared to be directing Mr. Xi’s accusations about the United States at the Chinese public, placing it on the front page of People’s Daily on Tuesday while omitting it entirely from an English-language version of the same article from the official Xinhua news agency.

Andrew K. Collier, the managing director of Hong Kong-based Orient Capital Research, said that Mr. Xi may not have been trying to adjust his stance toward the United States as much as reassure the Chinese public that he is defending their interests.

“Xi Jinping’s comment about containment may heighten tensions with the United States, but he is mainly speaking to a domestic audience,” Mr. Collier said. “He’s trying to foster the country’s high-tech firms both for economic growth and to handle decoupling at a time when China is facing severe economic headwinds. Beating the nationalist drum is a politically savvy way to achieve these goals.”

Li Mingjiang, an associate professor of international relations at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, offered a more pessimistic assessment of the Chinese leader’s stance.

“Xi’s comments suggest that the Chinese leadership believes the U.S. and the West do not have any good intentions towards China,” he said. “It clearly indicates that they understand that China’s relations with the Western world will be very difficult in the coming years.”

David Pierson and Olivia Wang and Zolan Kanno-Youngs contributed reporting.

The Economic Times daily newspaper is available online now.

China's other top leaders bring loyalty to xi jinping, experience, their roles are expected to come more into focus during the ongoing session of the national people's congress, china's ceremonial legislature..

FILE PHOTO: New Politburo Standing Committee members in Beijing

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Wang Huning a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China CPC Central...

How a Book About America’s History Foretold China’s Future

By Chang Che

In unprecedented times, much can be gleaned from the books we read. After the 2016 election, Hannah Arendt’s “ The Origins of Totalitarianism ” went out of stock on Amazon as Americans tried to place their sense of doom within the arc of Western history. After the U.S. Capitol Hill riots , last year, a similar meaning-making unfolded in China. On January 12, 2021, Wang Wen, a columnist for Guancha , a nationalist news Web site based in Shanghai, noticed that an out-of-print book had shot up more than three thousand times its original price. On Kongfuzi, an online secondhand bookstore, used copies of “ America Against America ,” a 1991 travelogue by the political theorist Wang Huning, at one point cost twenty-nine hundred dollars. In the following days, scanned pages began circulating around the Web, and, throughout the course of the year, China’s online forums and comment sections teemed with discussion of the book’s observations on American cultural decline.

Wang Huning, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, a seven-person entourage of the highest-ranking officials in the Chinese Communist Party , is a household name in China. Chinese netizens call him guoshi (literally, “teacher of the state”), an honorific bestowed upon powerful state councillors in China’s imperial past. A former academic, he is the only member of the Standing Committee who has never run a province or city, but he makes up for his inexperience with vision and craft. In the nineteen-eighties, Wang helped devise what became known as the theory of “neo-authoritarianism”, the idea that developing countries like China needed a heavy-handed state to guide their market reforms. In a 1986 report that set off a cascade of debate inside the upper echelons of the Party, Wang argued for a “necessary concentration” of central authority to carry out market reforms. He helped pen the main slogans of three Chinese Presidents: Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents,” Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Outlook on Development,” and, most recently, Xi Jinping’s “new era” of global ascendency. In the international press, Wang has a somewhat theatrical, villainous reputation: he is a modern-day Machiavelli, a “ dream weaver ” of the Communist state, or a Rasputin-like figure ruling China from behind a veil. A Vulcan of ideology, the pen as his forge, Wang smelts Marxist vernacular into Xi Jinping Thought.

In August, 1988, under the pall of the Cold War, Wang, then a professor of international politics at Fudan University, was invited by the American Political Science Association for a six-month academic visit. He toured dozens of cities and enterprises, from Fulton, Missouri, where Churchill delivered his fabled Iron Curtain speech, to the Coca-Cola headquarters, in Atlanta. He observed the Presidential race between George H. W. Bush and Michael Dukakis and pondered the meaning of America’s libraries, museums, space program, and even the Amish community (whom he mistakenly refers to as “Armenians”). Though he was struck by the gadgetry of American modernity—its architecture, highways, monuments, and skyscrapers—he detected, beneath it, an “undercurrent of crisis.” More than hundred and fifty years after Alexis de Tocqueville’s visit , Wang believed that America had traded its soul—the connective tissues of community, tradition, and family—for the glory of national wealth and power. Strong but weak-spirited, individualistic but lonely, rich but decadent, America was, as the title suggested, a paradox headed for disaster.

Wang writes his chapters as if he had been in conversation with some of the West’s most prominent thinkers. On equality and individualism, he wrestled with Tocqueville, concluding that the unrealized dreams of women, Blacks, and Native Americans belied what the French aristocrat called America’s “equality of condition.” Meanwhile, the defiant individualism of Tocqueville’s sketches had become “an overwhelming presence” in American life. Apparently drawing insights from Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s controversial 1965 report on the Black family, Wang wrote that “the family was being hollowed out,” leading to loneliness, hedonism, broken families, and “stray teens.” Citing the high percentage of single mothers and the gap in educational attainment in the report, he asked, “Can overly loose-knit families be conducive to social progress?”

Wang looked askance at American democracy, regarding its promise of popular representation as elusive, if not illusory. Choices for President were scant, government agencies hoarded public power, and well-funded interest groups could easily “determine the fate of another group.” As he witnessed the pageantry of the Bush-Dukakis Presidential race—the bloated promises, the staged deference to the voter, and the flashy debates that prized spectacle over substance—his initial wonder congealed into disillusionment. Political parties are simply “hawking a commodity—the candidates—on the market,” he wrote. Voters are just “shopping among the available commodities.”

If Tocqueville located the virtues of America in its democratic culture, Wang now attributed America’s success to its “spirit of eccentricity,” which he saw as the basis for its technological innovation. He wrote glowingly of the space program and admired how the same ethos had touched the mundane: there were “machines for opening envelopes and cans” and “electronic pencil sharpeners.” Yet Wang also concluded that Americans had come to rely too much on technology. He pointed to the American approach to disabilities: technical stopgaps such as “electric wheelchairs, adjustable beds, and assistive glasses for the blind.” “People with disabilities are free to move about,” he wrote. “But as human beings their problems are not solved.” In America, Wang wrote, “it is not the people who master the technology, but the technology that masters the people.” This had lessons for geopolitics: “If you want to overwhelm the Americans, you must do one thing: surpass them in science and technology.”

Of the numerous Western writers referenced in his book, Wang seemed to identify most with the conservative philosopher Allan Bloom. Drawing on the central thesis of Bloom’s best-selling jeremiad “ The Closing of the American Mind ,” Wang lampooned a “generation of youths ignorant of traditional Western values.” “There’s a sense of moral panic that runs through the book,” Matt Johnson, a visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution who has written extensively on Wang, told me. “He senses cultural decay all around him and there’s some strong reactions there.” Wang’s affinity for Bloom grew out of his own experience. In the sixties, as the Soviet Union began forsaking Stalinism, and U.S. foreign policy pivoted to the subversive tactic of “peaceful evolution,” Mao Zedong came to see the greatest threat against him as insufficient faith in his movement. An entire generation of Chinese leaders, forged in the crucible of the Cultural Revolution, came to associate the survival of a political system with the faith that people had in it, and faith was kept up through traditions—what Wang called the “cultural gene.” In “America Against America,” Wang asked, “If the value system collapses, how can the social system be sustained?”

“America Against America” established Wang as a shrewd analyst of democracies. In 1993, two years after the book’s publication, Wang was promoted to the chair of his department at Fudan University. Today, Chinese readers see him as one of the earliest apostates of the church of American exceptionalism, which spurred many families to immigrate to the United States during the heyday of market reforms. “Chinese have finally started to see the real America instead of being blinded by our fantasies,” one reviewer wrote on Douban, a popular book-discussion platform. “Our guoshi broke that myth long ago.”

In the United States, Wang’s work has attracted interest across the political spectrum. In October, a profile of Wang, by a Washington-based foreign-policy analyst writing under the pseudonym N. S. Lyons, was published in a “governance futurism” magazine called Palladium . Wang, Lyons wrote, “appears to have won a long-running debate within the Chinese system about what’s now required for the People’s Republic of China to endure. The era of tolerance for unfettered economic and cultural liberalism in China is over.” The conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt highlighted Lyons’s profile in a column in the Washington Post , saying that it “ought to be on the desks of every institution tracking the Chinese Communist Party.” The Marxist philosopher Slavoj Žižek recently called Wang “maybe the most important intellectual today.” Thirty years ago, “he saw all the deadlocks already that led to Trump, populism, and social disintegration.” In an e-mail, Lyons told me, “There is now an acute sense, including in Washington, that liberalism may currently be imploding.” On both the left and the right, “there is I believe a growing fear that in at least some ways Wang may have been correct.”

As China marches toward what Xi Jinping calls “the great rejuvenation,” it has become increasingly plain that Western political ideas no longer hold any currency within the Party. Wang, who has the ear of the most powerful Chinese ruler since Mao Zedong, holds the revised blueprint. Last August, the Party unveiled a new slogan. The “Common Prosperity” campaign purports to redress China’s widening wealth gap. The concept was introduced after a year-long regulatory assault on the private sector, as well as a cap on real-estate borrowing that led to the default of one of China’s largest property developers, China Evergrande. But beneath the program’s economic emphasis lies a deeply cultural, Wang-esque logic. In his speech outlining his new campaign, Xi warned against the “tearing of the social fabric” that had befallen certain unnamed countries. In these countries, he said, the divide between the rich and poor had degenerated into “political polarization and rampant populism.” Fang Kecheng, a journalism and communications professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, told me, “In Xi’s conception of the ‘new era,’ wealth inequality and the über-rich are important challenges, of course, but there is something the Party sees as equally necessary: a unified system of values.” Last fall, education authorities banned the use of foreign textbooks in Beijing elementary and middle schools, placing the emphasis instead on books espousing the philosophy of Xi Jinping. In the edition for first and second graders, one chapter packaged a lesson on conformity into a sartorial tip: “Cultivating the right values is like buttoning shirts,” it read. “If you get the first one wrong, the rest will be ruined, too.”

Across Chinese society, from the classroom to the living room, the Party is driving a program of cultural conservatism. Educators have been ordered to hire more gym teachers to “cultivate masculinity” in boys. Media broadcasters have been forced to pivot from shows that display “effeminate men” to those that promote “traditional Chinese culture.” Gaming companies are now only allowed to offer minors a single hour of playtime, from 8 P.M. to 9 P.M. , on Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays. For Timothy Cheek, an intellectual historian of China at the University of British Columbia, the latest diktats represent a cultural turn in China’s modernization, what he calls “Allan Bloom traditionalism with Chinese characteristics.” “Xi Jinping’s reading—and Wang Huning’s reading, too—of what killed the Soviet Union was that they made the mistake that Allan Bloom warned them against,” Cheek told me. “They stopped believing in the verities of their tradition.” If Wang’s book does not spur Americans toward self-reflection in quite those terms, it offers a glimpse into how many Chinese see the United States, and the West writ large, following one of the darkest days in American history.

An earlier version of this article misstated the title of Arendt’s “The Origins of Totalitarianism.”

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Books & Fiction

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List of books in Xi Jinping’s library

Your host thought it might be interesting to look at Xi’s bookshelf, which was in the background of his New Year speech on Dec. 31.

There are plenty of sources that took a look at the pictures shown on his bookshelf, so to supplement them, this newsletter will focus on what’s behind the pictures, the books.

Below is a list of all the books your host was able to make out from open-source photos. Unfortunately, some of the books are blocked by the frames, so it’s worth noting that this will be an INCOMPLETE list of the books.

There are four bookshelf panels shown in the video, for clarity the list will follow the order of left to right, top to bottom.

【1】 The Full Works of Shakespeare

Publisher: Yilin Press

Xi has made numerous references to Shakespeare in his past speeches. He described his early encounter with Shakespeare in a 2015 speech in London.

I went to Northern Shaanxi from Beijing before I turned 16 to be a farmer, and spent 7 years of my youth there. During that time, I looked hard for works of Shakespeare.

In 2009, while attending the Frankfurt book fair with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel as the Chinese vice president, Xi noted that thanks to the exchanges among various cultures, people from different countries could get to know Goethe, Shakespeare, and Confucius.

In 2015, while addressing the UK parliament as the Chinese president, Xi borrowed a quote from Shakespeare in his speech, saying “What’s past is prologue”, and that it is hoped that the Parliament members will continuously serve as active promoters of bilateral relations, contributors of bilateral friendship and supporters of bilateral cooperation from a long-term perspective, and pave a way of understanding and cooperation for brighter future of bilateral relations.

On that same trip, the late Queen Elizabeth II gifted Xi with a collection of Shakespeare sonnets upon learning that Xi is a fan of the bard.

【2】Appraisal Dictionary of Ci of the Tang and Song Dynasties

Press: Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House

Ci is a traditional Chinese literary form like a poem but with verses of differing lengths. This literary form emerged in the Tang Dynasty and peaked in the Song.

【3】Chronicle of Zuo

Press: Zhonghua Book Company

The Chronicle of Zuo is a narrative history covering Chinese history from 722 B.C to 468 B.C. It’s considered a faithful record of history one of the most important classics of Chinese history.

In a speech at UNESCO headquarters in 2014, Xi made a reference to the work as he explained the traditional Chinese view on harmony and diversity.

The Chinese have long come to appreciate the wisdom of “harmony without uniformity”. Zuo Qiuming, a Chinese historian who lived 2,500 years ago, recorded in the Chronicle of Zuo the following comments by Yan Ying, Prime Minister of the State of Qi during the Spring and Autumn Period: “Achieving harmony is like preparing the thick soup. Only with the right amount of water, fire, vinegar, meat sauce, salt and plum can fish and meat be cooked with the right taste.” “It is the same when it comes to music. Only by combining the sounds of different instruments with the right rhythm and pitch as well as tone and style can you produce an excellent melody.” “Who can eat the soup with nothing but water in it? What ear can tolerate the same tone repeatedly played on one instrument?”

【4】History of China

Press: People’s Press

The History of China is partially authored by Chinese History giant Fan Wenlan. Impressed by Fan’s work, Mao Zedong told Fan in 1968 that China needs a history book and asked Fan to start working on such a book using his views and approach.

In 2016, the History of China was among the top 10 best-selling kindle e-books on Amazon China.

【5】Full Collection of Tang Poems

Poems of the Tang Dynasty are considered a pinnacle of classic Chinese literature. Loved by all Chinese, many Tang verses have entered the Chinese lexicon and are frequently used in everyday conversation. The Tang poems are not only a favorite of the Chinese but have found many fans in Korea and Japan, as well as around the world.

The Full Collection of the Tang Poems was first commissioned by the Emperor Kangxi of the Qing Dynasty, and its first edition collected nearly 50 thousand poems from more than 2,200 poets. The latest edition added more than 4,600 poems and more than 800 poets to the collection.

Xi has on many occasions quoted poem verses. Here your host would raise two anecdotes from when Xi was dealing with foreign dignitaries.

In 2013, when then-South Korean President Park Geun-hye came to China for a visit, she was given a calligraphic work bearing a Tang dynasty poem, At Heron Lodge, containing the sentence:

“Ascend another storey to see a thousand miles.”

Which embodied the wish for China-ROK ties to reach new heights and achieve greater potential.

Arabella Rose, the granddaughter of former U.S. President Donald Trump, started learning Chinese since 18 months old. She got to show off her Chinese skills in person and online during the two meetings between his grandfather and Xi.

In a video shown when Trump visited Beijing in 2017, Arabella Rose proudly recited two well-known Tang poems, Gazing at a Waterfall on Mount Lu and Departing from Baidi in the Morning

Sunlight illuminates Incense Burner Peak, kindling violet smoke; from afar, a waterfall hangs before the river. Water flies straight down three thousand feet— Has the silver stream of our galaxy plunged from the highest heaven?

This morning, I depart the town of Baidi, engulfed by vibrant clouds.

I return to far away Jiangling within a single day!

From both banks, the steady sound of shrieking monkeys fills the air.

Our little boat has already carried me past thousands of hilltops.

【6】The Complete Works of Sun Yat-sen （link is for an earlier edition with a different cover）

It’s hard to overstate the influence Dr. Sun Yat-sen has on modern China. According to one count, there are over 770 administrative zones in China that is named after Sun, Zhongshan city of Guangdong province, where Sun is born, is the only Chinese city that’s named after a person. In addition, there are more than 640 roads in China that are also named after Sun. If you count all of the Sun Yat-sen-related places in overseas Chinese communities, the tally will grow considerably, as Sun enjoys the universal respect of all Chinese descendants.

In October 2021, China held a commemorative meeting marking the 110th anniversary of the Revolution of 1911. At the meeting, Xi said

Dr. Sun Yat-sen was a great national hero, a great patriot, and a great pioneer of China’s democratic revolution. He called out to “save our people from misery and prop up our tottering country without delay.” He held high the banner of struggle against feudal autocracy and put forward the political program based on the Three People’s Principles of nationalism, democracy, and people’s livelihood. They spread revolutionary ideas far and wide, unleashed the tide of progress, and launched a series of armed uprisings, generating an unstoppable wave of revolution.

【7】The Complete Works of Li Dazhao

Li Dazhao was one of the early founders of the Communist Party of China. In 2009, Xi delivered a speech at the meeting commemorating 120 years since Li’s birth. In 2019, Wang Huning, a PBSC member, delivered a speech at the meeting commemorating 130 years since Li’s birth.

【8】Collection of Appraisal Dictionaries of Chinese Literature

This collection of dictionaries is the best tool book to help understand Poems of the Tang Dynasty, the Ci of the Song Dynasty, the Opera of the Yuan Dynasty, and essays throughout the ages.

【9】The Great Chinese Dictionary

Boasting 23 volumes and more than 405 thousand entries, the Great Chinese Dictionary is perhaps one of the most comprehensive dictionaries of the Chinese language.

【10】The New Cambridge Modern History

Press: China Social Sciences Press

This is the Chinese translation of the renowned set of books first published by Cambridge University Press. It covers world history between the Renaissance in 1493 and the end of World War II in 1945.

【11】The Story of Civilization

Press: Tiandi Press

This is the Chinese translation of the work by U.S. historians Will and Ariel Durant.

The two books in this photo are the Age of Faith and the Age of Napoleon respectively.

The Lessons of History, another book by the Durants, was listed as recommended reading by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection in 2015.

【12 Geschichte des Westens

Press: Social Sciences Literature Press/Thorn Bird

This is the Chinese translation of the German history book by Heinrich August Winkler.

【13】A Global History: From Prehistory to the 21st Century

Press: Peking University Press

This two-parter is a Chinese translation of the work by U.S. historian L.S. Stavrianos.

【14】Collection: Chinese Culture by Masters

This is a collection of 40 books on various traditional cultural topics by acclaimed Chinese scholars.

【15】The Great Sea: A human history of the Mediterranean

Press: Social Sciences Literature Press

This is the Chinese translation of the work by Cambridge University professor David Abulafia. The book is considered one of the best history books on the Mediterranean Sea region, covering a time span from 3500 B.C. to contemporary times.

【16】A History of Western Philosophy

Press: Commercial Press

This two-parter is the Chinese translation of the 1946 book by British Philosopher Bertrand Russell.

During a speech made in October 2015 at a Dinner Hosted by The Lord Mayor of the City of London, Xi quoted Russell as saying,

The Chinese people “understand their own country”, and only “a solution slowly reached by themselves may be stable”.

【17】A Little History of Archaeology

Press: People’s Daily Publishing House

This is the Chinese translation of the work by British scholar Brian Fagan. Xi has been a long-time friend of archaeology. Here is a Xinhua profile story that documents Xi’s fondness for the discipline.

【18】A Collection of books on Rejuvenation

Press: Zhonghua Book Company

This book series collects important documents that chronicle the history of China from 1840 onward. It presents thoughts that spurred the development, progress, and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

【19】The Journey of Science

Press: Hunan Science Technology Publishing House

【20】2030: How Today’s Biggest Trends Will Collide and Reshape the Future of Everything

Press: CITIC Press Group

This is the Chinese translation of the work of U.S. sociologist Mauro F. Guillén, which offers insights into where we are heading and why these changes matter.

【21】The Deep Learning Revolution

This is the Chinese translation of the work of Terry Sejnowski. It explains how deep learning—from Google Translate to driverless cars to personal cognitive assistants—is changing our lives and transforming every sector of the economy.

【22 Megatech: Technology in 2050

This is the Chinese translation of the book edited by Daniel Franklin. Where will technology take us by 2050? How will it affect the way we live? And how far are we willing to let it go? In this book, scientists, industry leaders, academics, and science-fiction writers join journalists to explore answers to these questions.

【23】Unsere Welt neu denken: Eine Einladung

Press: China Translation & Publishing House

This is the Chinese translation of the work by German political economist Maja Göpel. In this book, the author warns we do not solely face an environmental crisis but also a social one.

【24】The Story of Earth: The First 4.5 Billion years, From Stardust to Living Planet

This is the Chinese translation of the book by Robert Hazen. Science Magazine says the book is “a sweeping rip-roaring yarn of immense scope, from the birth of the elements in the stars to meditations on the future habitability of our world.”

【25】An Illustrated Biography of Xi Zhongxun

Press: Xue Xi Publishing House

【26】Toward a New Model For Human Advancement

Press: Tianjin People’s Press

The New Model for Human Advancement is a new concept first introduced by Xi at the celebration marking the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CPC. Definitely worth reading up on.

【27】The Chinese Economy of a Decade (2012-2022)

Press: Economy Science Publishing House

The book incorporates statistics and case studies to illustrate the achievements of the Chinese economy from 2012 to 2022.

【28】 Self-Revolution: A second Answer on how to escape the cycle of history

This book touches on the issue of the cycle of history, a term coined during a conversation between Mao Zedong and Huang Yanpei before the end of World War II.

During that conversation, Huang noted that looking back on history, most cannot escape the cycle of history, that is they rise and fall as time passes. Huang then asked Mao how the CPC would escape this cycle of history. Mao struck a tone of confidence, saying democracy would be the solution. “Only by having the people supervise the government, the government would not dare slack off. Only when everyone rises to their responsibility can the government live on.”

After the 18th Party Congress, the CPC drew lessons from practice and distilled a second solution to supplement Mao’s answer that is to conduct self-revolution.

At the Sixth Full Meeting of the 19th CCDI, Xi noted that

Over the past hundred years, the Party has relied externally on developing people’s democracy and accepting people’s supervision, and internally on ruling the Party strictly and promoting self-revolution, courageously insisting on the truth and correcting mistakes, and courageously turning the knife to the inside and scale the bones to rid of poison to ensure the Party’s longevity and continuous development and growth.

【29】Chinese path to modernization

Press: Chinese Academy of Governance Press

Keen observers of Chinese politics should have seen plenty of the term in official speeches and documents. This would be a book to get a better sense of what that term means.

【30】A Different Interpretation of The Analects of Confucius

Press: Fudan University Press

Nan Huai-Chin is a unique personality in modern China. He was a Chinese Buddhist monk, religious scholar, and writer. This unique background allows him to look at the Analects of Confucius from an angle few others have.

【31】A series of work by Qian Mu

Press: Jiuzhou Publishing Company

This is a collection of books by Qian Mu, a famed historian, and philosopher of modern China.

Perhaps his most famous work is a booklet titled (Merits and Demerits of Political Systems in Dynastic China), which gave a concise rundown of the features of political systems of each major Chinese dynasty, and what roles those features played in the rise and fall of the dynasties.

【32】 Record of the Great Historian, with a selection of comments and notes

The Record of the Great Historian is perhaps the most famous historical writing in China. It was written in the early 1st century BC by the ancient Chinese historian Sima Qian and covers a 2,500-year period from the age of the legendary Yellow Emperor to the reign of Emperor Wu of Han in the author’s own time.

This publication couples the original Record with nearly 3000 notes and comments from nearly 400 scholars made throughout the ages to allow readers to gain perspectives while reading the Record.

【33】Appreciation of the Full Collection of Mao Zedong’s Poems and Ci

Press: People’s Literature Publishing House

A great book to read to understand Mao’s literary works better.

【34】A History of Chinese Philosophy

A foundation laying work by Feng Youlan, which he wrote while teaching Chinese philosophy at Tsinghua University in 1928.

【35】 Ancient China as told by a hundred scholars

Press: Beijing Daily Press

This three-parter is a compilation of essays published by Beijing Daily’s history and culture page for over a decade. In these books, scholars help readers discover truths and details of history with informative and interesting writing.

【36】History of the Song Dynasty

Press: Shanghai People’s Press

This is not the classic History of the Song Dynasty written in the Yuan Dynasty and a part of the 24 Histories of China. Instead, this is a book by contemporary historian Chen Zhen.

【37】The Power of Civilization

Press: Guangdong People’s Press

This book looks at the development of the Chinese civilization from a global perspective.

【38】5000 Years of Chinese Civilization

This book chronicles the development of Chinese civilization from the mythical era to the end of the May Fourth Movement in 1919.

【39】Southeast Asia: the discovery of a multi-cultural world

A history of Southeast Asia by Japanese scholar Yoshiaki Ishizawa.

【40】The Wisdom of Frugality

Press: Social Sciences Literature Press

In this book, Emrys Westacott examines why, for more than two millennia, so many philosophers and people with a reputation for wisdom have advocated frugality and simple living as the key to the good life.

【41】A Selection of Classic Essays

Press: Yuelu Press

This is a selection of classic essays edited by Qing Dynasty official Zeng Guofan. He selected 48 essays dating from ancient times to the Song Dynasty for this book, covering politics, economics, military, culture, history, geography and literature.

【42】 Selected Works of Mao Zedong

Classic party literature.

【43】 Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping

【44】Selected Works of Jiang Zemin

【45】A selection of important documents since the 19th Party Congress

Press: ZhongYangWenXian Press

The first volume of this three-parter was published in Sept. 2019. It included 65 documents dating from the 19th Party Congress to March 2019. 14 of the documents were made public for the first time.

The second volume was published in October 2021 and included 79 documents dating from March 2019 to Oct. 2020. 15 of the documents were made public for the first time.

Cihai is an encyclopedic dictionary that is one of China’s most authoritative tool books.

【47】One Hundred Years of the CPC

Press: History of Chinese Communist Party Publishing House

An authoritative history of the CPC since its founding.

【48】The History of the CPC

An authoritative history of the CPC.

【49】The biography of Mao Zedong

This 6-parter is based on Mao’s manuscripts as kept by the National Archives Administration of China, records of his conversations and speeches, documents of the party central committee, meeting minutes, People’s Daily and Xinhua news reports, relevant books and material, memoirs and interviews of people who’ve had direct contact with Mao.

【50】Party History Book Series

Press: History of Chinese Communist Party Publishing House, DangJianDuWu Press

This is a 4-part tool book that offers authoritative information on important documents, meetings, events, and organizational structures in party history.

【51】Deng Xiaoping

Press: Beijing United Publishing

This four-part book chronicles the magnificent life of Deng Xiaoping.

【52】 A Concise History of Development of Socialism, A Concise History of Reform and Opening up, A Concise History of the PRC, A Concise History of the CPC

Press: People’s Press, Xue Xi Publishing House, China Social Sciences Press, Contemporary China Publishing House, History of Chinese Communist Party Publishing House

【53】A Collection of CPC Party Rules

Press: Law Press China

This book includes 183 sets of Party rules that have been rolled out and is in force from the founding of the PRC to June 2021.

【54】Xinhua Dictionary

China’s household dictionary.

【55】The English-Chinese Dictionary

Press: Shanghai Translation Publishing House

This dictionary was borne out of a directive by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in 1975, which commissioned the largest dual-lingo tool book of the PRC to date. The dictionary’s first edition was published in 1991 and was the first comprehensive English Chinese dictionary fully designed and edited by the Chinese. The book includes more than 200,000 entries.

【56】China Military Encyclopedia

Press: Military Science Publishing House

【57】An English-Chinese Military Dictionary

Press: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press

【58】Chronicles of War

Press: Writers Publishing House

This is a 14-part series that documented the war-fighting history of 14 forces in the history of the PLA. Shown in the photo are book 12 and 13, which focuses on the People’s Volunteer Army, which fought in Korea, and the Northern China Military Region Field Force, which was one of five major battle forces of the PLA during the Liberation War between 1945 and 1949.

【59】The History of Resisting America and Assisting Korea War

【60】The Long March in Photos

【61】The History of the Long March of the Red Army

【62】Rule and Regulations of Major Political Parties of the World

Press: Central Compilation and Translation Press

The 20 books in this series cover the United States, Vietnam, Laos, DPRK, Cuba, Russia, France, Germany, Sweden, Mexico, Brazil, India, Malaysia, the U.K., Italy, Central and Eastern Europe, Singapore, Canada, Japan, South Africa, Australia, Portugal, Spain, Nigeria, and Kenya.

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The Asian Mirror is an independent digital news media platform that hopes to issue its print edition soon. The main motif of TAM is to vivify the soul of journalism that is of course reporting. Today’s reporting mostly revolves around the haves; what they say, what they do. The reporters don’t seem perturbed about the sufferings of the oppressed and marginalised people around them.

Xi by Kerry Brown review – the man who became China’s president

His personal life remains an enigma, but this is a valuable primer for anyone looking to get up to speed on Xi Jinping’s rise to global power

I n November 2012 Xi Jinping was made general secretary of the Chinese Communist party, the top spot in the country’s political system. Since March 2013 he has also been president, a largely ceremonial but diplomatically significant post. Having held those positions for almost a decade, and showing no sign that he plans to hand either on anytime soon, Xi is now sometimes described not just as the most powerful person in China, but the most powerful individual in the world.

And yet we know relatively little about him, a fact that Kerry Brown’s new biography – though thorough in many respects – fails to fully remedy. The facts of Xi’s early life are fairly well documented. The son of a veteran revolutionary, his family went through a major reversal of fortune late in the Mao period, when his father was purged. Xi went from enjoying a privileged lifestyle in Beijing to becoming one of the millions of “sent down” youths encouraged to learn from the peasants by working in the countryside. Once his father was back in favour under Deng Xiaoping, he studied at China’s elite Tsinghua University and took up various posts, first in the military and then in civilian bureaucracies.

The dramatic upward trajectory of Xi’s life began when he was in his 50s, a period during which he was named Hu Jintao’s heir apparent, in 2007. His period in power, initially expected to last 10 years, has encompassed the longest lasting and furthest reaching anti-corruption drive the country has ever seen, the belt and road initiative that seeks to establish ties between the People’s Republic of China and scores of other countries, and of course, Covid.

A discussion of the invasion of Ukraine will have to wait for the next edition, and one wishes there was more about Vladimir Putin in this book than the comment that neither he nor Xi show signs of disappearing from the scene anytime soon. Brown does, however, have plenty to say about other events making global headlines, especially the pandemic, which has gone from seeming likely to undermine Xi’s position to serving to strengthen it. In Brown’s words, as a tightly controlled media plays up pandemic governance failures in other parts of the world, and hides or plays down domestic missteps, Covid has “provided the fuel by which Chinese nationalism has been turbo-charged” – and this is important to Xi since, as the author rightly stresses throughout the book, he is motivated above all by a fierce patriotism and a strong desire to see the Chinese Communist party (CCP) stay in power. News of staggering death tolls in Europe and the US have been presented as “positive proof that socialism with Chinese characteristics” can “perform better than western capitalism” in a crisis.

It is curious that it has taken so long for an accessible English-language biography of Xi like this to come out. Among the reasons is the fact that neither he nor anyone in his inner circle gives interviews, and it is not even clear who exactly is in his inner circle. There are no candid tell-all memoirs by him or people close to him to offer insights.

As a result, this book is a valuable primer for anyone looking to get up to speed on how Xi achieved power (largely by inheriting and cultivating an unusually wide array of connections to members of different wings of the CCP elite) and what he has done with it in political terms. But it is less compelling as a window on to the private man, who remains an enigma. And while Brown does not shy away from mentioning the dark sides of Xi’s reign – and there are many, from horrific human rights abuses in Xinjiang and Tibet , to the strangling of civil liberties in Hong Kong , and the clampdown on critical intellectuals and journalists in Beijing – one feels the emphasis on these could be stronger.

Sometimes, Brown falls into the trap of implying that what is good for the CCP is good for the country and its people, and makes a prediction that he presumably found himself wishing he could alter as the harsh Shanghai lockdown began to make headlines around the world. “Even in the depths of 2022, with no immediate end in sight for the Covid-19 pandemic,” he writes late in the book, “my faith in China, under Xi or whoever replaces him, being able to surmount the formidable challenges facing it, and creating its own unique version of modernity, is still strong. And what a world it might be, where the whole of China buzzes with the energy and life of the great city of Shanghai.”

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China's other top leaders bring loyalty to Xi, experience

Six men sit alongside chinese leader xi jinping on the ruling communist party’s all-powerful politburo standing committee, handling major portfolios from propaganda to corruption fighting, article bookmarked.

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Six men sit alongside Chinese leader Xi Jinping on the ruling Communist Party’s all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee, handling major portfolios from propaganda to corruption fighting.

All are party veterans with close personal and professional ties to Xi, China’s most powerful figure in decades.

Their roles are expected to come more into focus during the ongoing session of the National People’s Congress, China's ceremonial legislature.

The backgrounds of the six show the continued “prominence of politics in Xi Jinping's vision for China’s governance,” said Neil Thomas, a fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Center for China Analysis.

Some details about the standing committee members in order of their party rank:

Perhaps the official closest to Xi, Li Qiang is widely expected to take over as premier, nominally in charge of the Cabinet and caretaker of the economy. Li is best known for ruthlessly enforcing a brutal “zero-COVID” lockdown on Shanghai last spring as party boss of the Chinese financial hub, proving his loyalty to Xi in the face of complaints from residents over their lack of access to food, medical care and basic services.

Li, 63, came to know Xi during the future president's term as head of Li's native Zhejiang, a relatively wealthy southeastern province now known as a technology and manufacturing powerhouse.

A holdover from the previous Politburo Standing Committee, Zhao Leji won Xi's trust as head of the party's anti-corruption watchdog, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, pursuing an anti-graft campaign that has frozen all potential opposition to the leader.

Zhao, 65, is expected to serve as the head of the National People's Congress and its standing committee which handles most actual legislative work.

WANG HUNING

Another returnee from the previous standing committee, Wang Huning is from an academic background, having been a professor of international politics at Shanghai's Fudan University and a senior adviser to two of Xi's predecessors. Unusual for a top official, Wang, 67, has never held office at either the local or central government level.

Wang is known for authoring books critiquing Western politics and society, and is expected to be named head of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, the NPC's advisory body that, in coordination with the party's United Front Department, works to build the Xi's influence and image abroad.

As leader of the capital since 2017, Cai Qi oversaw the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which has been celebrated by the party as a victory. Cai, 67, also oversaw the forcible eviction of thousands of migrant workers from rundown urban neighborhoods and kept COVID cases relatively low in Beijing without enacting the harsh measures seen in Shanghai and elsewhere.

Cai, who holds a doctorate in economics, also entered into Xi's political orbit in the Zhejiang political scene. An early adopter of Chinese social media, Cai is also among the very few top officials to have visited Taiwan, praising the island's ubiquitous convenience stores in a 2012 posting for Caixin magazine's website. He's expected to be put in charge of propaganda and messaging.

DING XUEXIANG

As director of the party's General Office since 2017, Ding Xuexiang has effectively served as Xi's chief of staff, notably present on state visits and meetings with foreign leaders. Like Wang, Ding has never held government office but sits at the center of party affairs just below the Politburo.

Still just 60, Ding's career took off after he was appointed secretary to Xi during his brief term as Shanghai party head. He is expected to be appointed first vice premier overseeing administrative matters.

Prior to his appointment to the standing committee, Li Xi, 66, headed Guangdong province, one of China's wealthiest regions and the base of its vast manufacturing sector. He earlier served as party secretary of Mao Zedong' s famed revolutionary base of Yan’an and had became an early pioneer in what is known as “red tourism,” promoting sites hallowed to the party's history prior to its seizure of power in 1949.

A close Xi confidante, Li has already been appointed to replace Zhao as head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

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China's Xi Jinping calls for 'more quickly elevating' armed forces

China's leader xi jinping has called for “more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards.”.

March 09, 2023 11:42 am | Updated 11:43 am IST - BEIJING

Chinese President Xi Jinping attends a plenary meeting of the delegation of the PLA and the People’s Armed Police Force during the first session of the 14th NPC in Beijing | Photo Credit: AP

China’s leader Xi Jinping has called for “more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards,” in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened by a U.S.-led campaign of “containment, encirclement, and suppression of China.”

China must maximise its “national strategic capabilities” in a bid to “systematically upgrade the country’s overall strength to cope with strategic risks, safeguard strategic interests and realise strategic objectives,” Mr. Xi said on March 8.

His remarks to delegates in the ceremonial Parliament representing the People's Liberation Army, the military wing of the ruling Communist Party, and the paramilitary People's Armed Police, were carried by the official Xinhua News Agency .

Mr. Xi made a series of calls to accelerate the build-up of self-reliance in science and technology, bolster strategic capabilities in emergency fields, make industrial and supply chains more resilient, and make national reserves “more capable of safeguarding national security.”

The program laid out by Mr. Xi dovetails with a number of national strategies already underway, including the “Made in China 2025” campaign to make China dominant in 10 key fields from integrated circuits to aerospace, and a decades-old campaign for civilian-military integration in the economy.

Mr. Xi also mentioned the need for “achieving the goals for the centenary of the PLA in 2027,” a date by which, according to some U.S. observers, China intends to have the capability of conquering self-governing Taiwan, an American ally, by military means.

China has defined the centenary goals in mostly vague terms, such as greater "informatisation" and raising the PLA to “world-class standards."

China needs to build “a strong system of strategic deterrent forces, raise the presence of combat forces in new domains and of new qualities, and deeply promote combat-oriented military training,” according to a speech Mr. Xi gave last year.

China’s defence budget has roughly doubled over the past decade, allowing it to maintain the world’s largest standing military, with 2 million members, the world’s largest Navy by number of ships, and the largest missile and aviation forces in the Indo-Pacific.

His most recent comment came after a speech on March 6 to delegates attending the annual session of the rubber-stamp National People's Congress, that indicated Chinese frustration with U.S. restrictions on access to technology and its support for Taiwan and regional military blocs in unusually blunt terms.

“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-round containment, encirclement and suppression of China, which has brought unprecedented grave challenges to our nation’s development,” Mr. Xi was quoted as saying by the official Xinhua News Agency .

A State Department spokesperson, Ned Price, responded by saying Washington wants to “coexist responsibly” within the global trade and political system and has no intention of suppressing China.

“This is not about containing China. This is not about suppressing China. This is not about holding China back,” Mr. Price said in Washington. “We want to have that constructive competition that is fair” and “doesn’t veer into that conflict”.

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China’s Xi calls for ‘more quickly elevating’ armed forces

BEIJING (AP) — China’s leader Xi Jinping has called for “more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards,” in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened by a U.S.-led campaign of “containment, encirclement and suppression of China.”

China must maximize its “national strategic capabilities” in a bid to “systematically upgrade the country’s overall strength to cope with strategic risks, safeguard strategic interests and realize strategic objectives,” Xi said Wednesday.

His remarks to delegates in the ceremonial parliament representing the People’s Liberation Army, the military wing of the ruling Communist Party, and the paramilitary People’s Armed Police, were carried by the official Xinhua News Agency.

Xi made a series of calls to accelerate the build-up of self-reliance in science and technology, bolster strategic capabilities in emergency fields, make industrial and supply chains more resilient and make national reserves “more capable of safeguarding national security.”

The program laid out by Xi dovetails with a number of national strategies already underway, including the “Made in China 2025” campaign to make China dominant in 10 key fields from integrated circuits to aerospace, and a decades-old campaign for civilian-military integration in the economy.

Netherlands tops Cuba 4-2; Panama beats Taiwan 12-5 at WBC

Taiwan suspects chinese ships cut islands’ internet cables, chinese minister warns of conflict unless us changes course, china expands defense budget 7.2%, marking slight increase.

Xi also mentioned the need for “achieving the goals for the centenary of the PLA in 2027,” a date by which, according to some U.S. observers, China intends to have the capability of conquering self-governing Taiwan, an American ally, by military means.

China has defined the centenary goals in mostly vague terms, such as greater “informatization” and raising the PLA to “world-class standards.”

China’s defense budget has roughly doubled over the past decade, allowing it to maintain the world’s largest standing military, with 2 million members, the world’s largest navy by number of ships, and the largest missile and aviation forces in the Indo-Pacific.

His most recent comment came after a speech Monday to delegates attending the annual session of the rubber-stamp National People’s Congress, that indicated Chinese frustration with U.S. restrictions on access to technology and its support for Taiwan and regional military blocs in unusually blunt terms.

“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-round containment, encirclement and suppression of China, which has brought unprecedented grave challenges to our nation’s development,” Xi was quoted as saying by the official Xinhua News Agency.

A State Department spokesperson, Ned Price, responded by saying Washington wants to “coexist responsibly” within the global trade and political system and has no intention of suppressing China.

“This is not about containing China. This is not about suppressing China. This is not about holding China back,” Price said in Washington. “We want to have that constructive competition that is fair” and “doesn’t veer into that conflict.”

BREAKING: Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell hospitalized after fall at hotel

China’s other top leaders bring loyalty to Xi, experience

The Associated Press

March 8, 2023, 11:30 PM

TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — Six men sit alongside Chinese leader Xi Jinping on the ruling Communist Party’s all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee, handling major portfolios from propaganda to corruption fighting.

All are party veterans with close personal and professional ties to Xi , China’s most powerful figure in decades.

Their roles are expected to come more into focus during the ongoing session of the National People’s Congress, China’s ceremonial legislature.

The backgrounds of the six show the continued “prominence of politics in Xi Jinping’s vision for China’s governance,” said Neil Thomas, a fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Center for China Analysis.

The standing committee has only male representatives and the 24-member Politburo, which has had only four female members since the 1990s, also has no female officials after the departure of Vice Premier Sun Chunlan.

Some details about the standing committee members in order of their party rank:

Perhaps the official closest to Xi, Li Qiang is widely expected to take over as premier , nominally in charge of the Cabinet and caretaker of the economy. Li is best known for ruthlessly enforcing a brutal “zero-COVID” lockdown on Shanghai last spring as party boss of the Chinese financial hub, proving his loyalty to Xi in the face of complaints from residents over their lack of access to food, medical care and basic services.

Li, 63, came to know Xi during the future president’s term as head of Li’s native Zhejiang, a relatively wealthy southeastern province now known as a technology and manufacturing powerhouse.

A holdover from the previous Politburo Standing Committee, Zhao Leji won Xi’s trust as head of the party’s anti-corruption watchdog, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, pursuing an anti-graft campaign that has frozen all potential opposition to the leader.

Zhao, 65, is expected to serve as the head of the National People’s Congress and its standing committee which handles most actual legislative work.

WANG HUNING

Another returnee from the previous standing committee, Wang Huning is from an academic background, having been a professor of international politics at Shanghai’s Fudan University and a senior adviser to two of Xi’s predecessors. Unusual for a top official, Wang, 67, has never held office at either the local or central government level.

Wang is known for authoring books critiquing Western politics and society, and is expected to be named head of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, the NPC’s advisory body that, in coordination with the party’s United Front Department, works to build the Xi’s influence and image abroad.

Cai, who holds a doctorate in economics, also entered into Xi’s political orbit in the Zhejiang political scene. An early adopter of Chinese social media, Cai is also among the very few top officials to have visited Taiwan, praising the island’s ubiquitous convenience stores in a 2012 posting for Caixin magazine’s website. He’s expected to be put in charge of propaganda and messaging.

DING XUEXIANG

As director of the party’s General Office since 2017, Ding Xuexiang has effectively served as Xi’s chief of staff, notably present on state visits and meetings with foreign leaders. Like Wang, Ding has never held government office but sits at the center of party affairs just below the Politburo.

Still just 60, Ding’s career took off after he was appointed secretary to Xi during his brief term as Shanghai party head. He is expected to be appointed first vice premier overseeing administrative matters.

Prior to his appointment to the standing committee, Li Xi, 66, headed Guangdong province, one of China’s wealthiest regions and the base of its vast manufacturing sector. He earlier served as party secretary of Mao Zedong’ s famed revolutionary base of Yan’an and had became an early pioneer in what is known as “red tourism,” promoting sites hallowed to the party’s history prior to its seizure of power in 1949.

A close Xi confidante, Li has already been appointed to replace Zhao as head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

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Xi Jinping's Anticorruption Campaign

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The Politics of Revenge

by Steven P. Feldman

series Routledge Research on the Politics and Sociology of China

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Through empirical analysis and conceptual development, this book analyzes the political psychology of Xi Jinping's Anticorruption Campaign and its role in the Chinese political system.

Using Nietzsche’s concept of ressentiment and data collected from direct fieldwork, the book analyzes the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) dictatorship, revealing that it is prone to extremes, through ideology or corruption, and highlights how the Party’s attempts to address one extreme only leads to the rise of another. In turn, it examines the Anticorruption Campaign in multiple ways including its use to increase the role of ideology in Chinese society, how it functions to concentrate Xi's power, its cultural form as a status reversal ritual, and its continuity with previous communist campaigns and ancient Chinese political traditions. Through each of these analyses, the book identifies crucial mechanisms through which the CCP maintains power through interrelated policies, actions, and their emotional effects.

Providing a vital understanding of the CCP, this book will be an invaluable resource to students and scholars of Chinese politics, as well as diplomats and policymakers on China.

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Xi Jinping recalls literary influences, favorite books

Oct. 15 marks the second anniversary of a symposium for Chinese artists, chaired by Chinese President Xi Jinping. Xi has called for artists to “create more works that are both artistically outstanding and morally inspiring.” In the past two years, encouraged by his words and stories, Chinese artists have risen to the challenge.

As the second anniversary draws near, People’s Daily published a story on Oct. 13 summarizing several of Xi’s favorite books and describing his great passion for literature. Below are some excerpts from those stories.

1. “Serve the country with supreme loyalty”

One story that particularly impressed Xi is the story of Yue’s mother tattooing Yue with a reminder to serve his country. This way, his mother told him, those words would always be embedded deeply in Yue’s mind.

2. Read all the classics he could find

Xi said his generation was deeply influenced by the concepts of self-cultivation, family harmony, country management and world peace. Understanding the necessity of reading for self-improvement, Xi read many books while working in rural areas alongside other young people.

Xi’s fellow workers, all from different schools, maintained a lively book exchange. Classics like “The Red and the Black,” “War and Peace” and textbooks from the Qing and Ming Dynasties were some of the books he read in those days.

3. Epigrams from literature in the Ming Dynasty

The books written by Feng Menglong, a Chinese vernacular writer and poet of the late Ming Dynasty, also left a deep impression on Xi, even inspiring him to memorize some passages.

Feng was the magistrate of the remote Shouning County in Fujian province. Shouning County is subordinate to the city of Ningde, where Xi once worked. With personal experience of the hard life there, Xi was very impressed by Feng’s spirit and has often quoted his words later in life.

4. “What Is to Be Done” and perseverance

Xi also read a lot of Russian literature, such as works by Alexander Pushkin and Leo Tolstoy.

He read “What Is to Be Done” by Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky while he was living in a house cave in Shaanxi province. Inspired by the protagonist in the book, he removed his bedding and slept on a hard brick bed, exercising even in the rain and snow. In this way, he enhanced his perseverance in order to prepare for future hardships.

5. Walked 30 miles to borrow a Faust book

Xi read “The Sorrows of Young Werther” when he was 14. He was so eager to read Goethe's Faust that he walked 30 miles to borrow it from another student.

As Faust is hard to digest, he once told German Chancellor Angela Merkel and several German sinologists that he didn’t quite understand it. In the end, he was reassured by their response – they said that even Germans don’t always fully understand the book.

6. Visited Hemingway’s Cuba

Xi didn’t read much American literature, but he was impressed by the book “Leaves of Grass” by Walt Whitman as well as several books by Mark Twain. His favorite American author is Jack London. London’s short story collection “Love of Life” was also a favorite of Lenin’s.

According to Xi, another book that impressed him was Hemingway’s “The Old Man and the Sea.” In order to experience the author’s spiritual world, Xi, during his first visit to Cuba, went to the place Hemingway wrote about in “The Old Man and the Sea,” finding it to be exactly as Hemingway had described. During his second visit, he saw the local bar where Hemingway used to write.

7. Impressed by the works of Victor Hugo

Xi developed an interest in French literature in his youth. The country’s history, philosophy and art also intrigued him. Stendhal’s “The Red and the Black” has been a prevailing influence, though Balzac and Maupassant rank first in Xi’s mind when it comes to descriptions of the secular world.

Xi once said that the novels written by Victor Hugo impressed him the most. He found the moment when Bishop Myriel enlightens Jean Valjean to be quite moving. According to Xi, it’s literature like this that possesses the ultimate power to move people and shape morality.

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Essence of Xi’s Book

Xi Jinping: The Governance of China (II)

Price: RMB 80

Paperback, 619 pages

Published by Foreign Languages Press

By staff reporter ZHOU LIN

Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger commented, “Xi outlined a reform program of unprecedented scope to transform Chinese society. Domestically, President Xi proposes combating corruption, strengthening legal institutions, preserving the environment, and growing the Chinese economy to unprecedented levels.”

Recently, Independent News & Media of South Africa wrote in its online report that the book was the most systematic and authoritative source to know about the process of realizing the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. As it pointed out, in its 600-plus pages, the word – “people” has been mentioned more than 1,200 times.

While The Star – one of South Africa’s most influential newspapers, commented that the world order has been changed and it is time to build a community with a shared future for humankind.

Over the past three years, Xi, general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), has continued to put forward a series of new concepts, thoughts, and strategies, enriching the CPC’s theories.

What does the second volume of Xi’s book talk about?

The articles in the second volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China are divided into 17 chapters. It collects 99 of Xi’s speeches, conversations, instructions, and letters between August 18, 2014 and September 29, 2017.

These 17 chapters are respectively: Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and the Chinese Dream; A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects; Deeper Reform; Rule of Law; Governing the Party with Strict Discipline; New Development Concepts; The New Normal of Economic Development; Socialist Democracy; Cultural Confidence; The Wellbeing of the People; Beautiful China; Military Development; One Country, Two Systems; China’s Diplomacy as a Major Country; Peaceful Development and Cooperation with Other Countries; The Belt and Road Initiative; A Community of Shared Future.

The book also included 29 photos of the Chinese leader, reflecting the moments when Xi conducted field investigations in local areas, inspected key infrastructure projects, attended important ceremonies and international conferences, and met with leaders of other nations over the past three years.

David Ferguson, an English editor of the book, highlighted some topics he thought would be of particular interest: the fight against poverty, the anti-corruption campaign, and the Belt and Road Initiative.

According to David, China has done more than any other country in terms of the fight against poverty, and this is really an area where the rest of the world can learn from. He thought the anti-corruption campaign in China is a genuine fight against corruption and is having an impact on the lives of ordinary people. He believed that there is a need to continue to send that message to foreign readership – it’s happening, and it’s working. The third aspect is the Belt and Road Initiative. This is a joint initiative that is intended to help developing countries to progress together. If it works, it will transform the prospects and the future of many poor countries and developing countries.

All in all, the second volume charts the efforts of the CPC Central Committee, with Xi at the core, in uniting and leading Chinese people to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era. It reflects the development and main contents of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. The new book provides Chinese wisdom and solutions for developing a community with a shared future for humankind, as well as in promoting peace and development.

During the 2017 Fortune Global Forum in Guangzhou in December, Consulate General of the Republic of Singapore in Guangzhou, Chua Teng Hoe noted that, as both China and Singapore are Asian countries, knowing more about President Xi’s governance philosophy would help to further understand China.

Frank-Jurgen Richter, CEO of a Swiss think tank Horasis, said that he was carefully reading the book. From his perspective, the book discussed the future of China and some new governance ideas. President Xi is not only centered about China, but also calls for the whole world to build a multilateral dialogue mechanism based on mutual trust and friendship. What’s more, the book sends an optimistic signal that the Chinese Dream is also the world’s dream.

Cinco consejos para hacerse millonarios

The League of Chinese “Unicorns”

El reto de la donación de órganos en China

Huang Jiefu, viceministro chino de Sanidad, sugirió la posibilidad de que

China's Xi calls for 'more quickly elevating' armed forces

BEIJING — China’s leader Xi Jinping has called for “more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards,” in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened by a U.S.-led campaign of “containment, encirclement and suppression of China.”

China has defined the centenary goals in mostly vague terms, such as greater “informatization” and raising the PLA to “world-class standards.”

“Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-round containment, encirclement and suppression of China, which has brought unprecedented grave challenges to our nation’s development,” Xi was quoted as saying by the official Xinhua News Agency.

A State Department spokesperson, Ned Price, responded by saying Washington wants to “coexist responsibly” within the global trade and political system and has no intention of suppressing China.

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Tech war: China-listed unit of server maker Inspur on US trade blacklist changes domicile to a location 2km from parent

Shenzhen-listed Inspur Electronic Information Industry Co, the main listed vehicle of Chinese server maker Inspur Group that was added to a US trade blacklist last week, held a board meeting this week to change its domicile to an address about two kilometres away from its parent group.

In a corporate filing, the company did not give any reason for the change, but the decision was made just days after the US Department of Commerce added Inspur Group, which owns a 36 per cent equity stake in the unit, to Washington's Entity List for allegedly obtaining US technologies in support of China's military modernisation. US exporters must obtain a government licence to sell any American products or services to companies on the list.

Although the listed vehicle, which is a separate entity from its parent group in legal terms, is not on the Entity List, its share price has been hammered. Its Shenzhen-traded shares have lost over 20 per cent since Washington blacklisted parent Inspur Group, and turnover of the stock hit an all-time high on Monday, indicating that investors are panic-selling over fears about its business prospects if it loses access to the advanced chips it needs to power its servers.

Do you have questions about the biggest topics and trends from around the world? Get the answers with SCMP Knowledge , our new platform of curated content with explainers, FAQs, analyses and infographics brought to you by our award-winning team.

The change of corporate domicile, from the address of its sanctioned parent to a nearby office building within the same postcode zone in the city of Jinan, capital of eastern Shandong province, partly reflects the limited options available to Chinese tech firms when it comes to mitigating the risks of US sanctions given their reliance on American components or technologies, analysts said.

Gary Ng, senior economist for Asia-Pacific at French investment bank Natixis, said the growing list of Chinese tech champions under US sanctions - more than 600 China entities are now on the Entity List - has also discouraged investor appetite for the country's tech hardware sector.

"Unless the [listed] firms achieve a breakthrough ... and build a sole China supply chain for their products ... there is a limit to stockpiling and their ability to produce will be constrained by the sanctions at some point in time," Ng said. "Therefore, investors have become conservative and will focus on firms with mature technology if they really want to bet on China's reopening."

Details are sketchy on whether Inspur Group's affiliated entities that are not on the sanctions list can purchase American semiconductors. US suppliers such as Nvidia and Advanced Micro Devices (AMD), which provide the high-end chips used in Inspur's servers, are trying to figure out if they need to halt sales to units of Inspur Group, Reuters reported. AMD said at an investor conference this week it was seeking clarification on the rules.

Inspur Electronic did not immediately reply to a request for comment on Tuesday.

If Inspur Group and its subsidiaries are deprived of chips from Nvidia, AMD and Intel, it would deal a major blow to its business. In its 2019 annual report - the last time it disclosed such information - Intel was the Chinese company's top supplier, accounting for 37.5 per cent of its total purchases in 2019, while Nvidia was ranked No 2, accounting for nearly 8 per cent of its purchasing budget that year.

Few high-profile Chinese tech companies have escaped unscathed from US sanctions. Huawei Technologies Co, one of China's most powerful technology giants, saw its lucrative smartphone operations wither after it was denied access to advanced chips, while Yangtze Memory Technologies Corp, China's top memory chip maker that was hoping to challenge Samsung Electronics and SK Hynix, had to lay off staff and slow down expansion plans after it was added to the US blacklist.

US attempts to deny China's access to advanced chips is a key reason why Beijing has doubled down on its tech self-sufficiency drive. This week, Chinese President Xi Jinping for the first time directly criticised the US for leading an "all-round containment, encirclement and suppression" of China.

However, progress in self-sufficiency has been limited. Ivan Lam, senior analyst at market consultancy Counterpoint Research, said there was a technology gap between imported tech products and home-grown ones. "We have to recognise the gap," Lam said. "[However], while Chinese companies might not have perfect substitutes [for global technologies] yet, there are still some alternatives, thanks to local companies' pre-emptive moves".

Intel headquarters in Santa Clara, California, July 26, 2022. Photo: Bloomberg alt=Intel headquarters in Santa Clara, California, July 26, 2022. Photo: Bloomberg>

Inspur Group servers are used extensively in the country's data centres and artificial intelligence (AI) labs. The company said it provides over half of all servers for AI applications in the domestic market.

Analysts said adding Inspur to the Entity List would likely have an adverse impact on the Chinese AI industry.

"Computing power [provided by servers] is critical to the AI industry ... if the US uses sanctions to block China's computing power, that's tantamount to stifling the Chinese AI industry", said Adela Guo Junli, a research director at IDC Asia-Pacific. "Inspur is being targeted as the world's largest AI server provider and second largest server provider."

Inspur Group appeared on Washington's radar back in July 2020, when the US Department of Defence named it and Huawei in a list of Chinese companies with links to the military. Intel had to briefly suspend its supply of server chips to Inspur to ensure compliance with the US laws, but shipments later resumed.

This article originally appeared in the South China Morning Post (SCMP) , the most authoritative voice reporting on China and Asia for more than a century. For more SCMP stories, please explore the SCMP app or visit the SCMP's Facebook and Twitter pages. Copyright © 2023 South China Morning Post Publishers Ltd. All rights reserved.

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News round-up, March 7, 2023 by GERMÁN & CO

Germán José Manuel Toro Ghio, son of Germán Alfonso and Jenny Isabel Cristina, became a citizen of planet Earth in the cold dawn of Sunday, May 11, 1958, in Santiago, capital of southern Chile....

Quote of the day…

"We made some changes internally and created a focused hydrogen organisation, a focused offshore wind organisation," Dotzenrath said in an interview. "I'm (now) just reviewing the onshore renewables part - so the onshore wind and solar part."

China says U.S. should change attitude or risk conflict

"The United States' perception and views of China are seriously distorted," said Qin, a trusted aide to President Xi Jinping and until recently China's ambassador in Washington .

Inside BP's plan to reset renewables as oil and gas boom

The oil major isn't backing away from renewables though, its green chief Anja-Isabel Dotzenrath stresses, it's simply changing the terms of the relationship.

Reuters by Ron Bousso

EU hopes Macron will budge on Latin American trade deal

‘We all expect a shift in Paris but this has not been tested politically yet,’ says one EU diplomat.

CERAWEEK Eni CEO says gas market will be "difficult" for Europe through 2025

"This next year, and also in 2024 and 2025, will be more difficult because last year until July we relied on about 80% of the Russian gas," he told the CERAWeek conference in Houston.

”We’ll need natural gas for years…

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US must stop suppressing China or risk 'conflict' - FM

BEIJING, March 7 (Reuters) - The United States should change its "distorted" attitude towards China or "conflict and confrontation" will follow, China's foreign minister said on Tuesday, while defending its stance on the war in Ukraine and defending its close ties with Russia.

The U.S. had been engaging in suppression and containment of China rather than engaging in fair, rule-based competition, Foreign Minister Qin Gang told a news conference on the sidelines of an annual parliament meeting in Beijing.

"It regards China as its primary rival and the most consequential geopolitical challenge. This is like the first button in the shirt being put wrong."

Relations between the two superpowers have been tense for years over a number of issues including Taiwan, trade and more recently the war in Ukraine but they worsened last month after the United States shot down a balloon off the U.S. East Coast that it says was a Chinese spying craft.

The U.S. says it is establishing guardrails for relations and is not seeking conflict but Qin said what that meant in practice was that China was not supposed to respond with words or action when slandered or attacked.

"That is just impossible," Qin told his first news conference since becoming foreign minister in late December.

Qin's comments struck the same the tough tone of his predecessor, Wang Yi, now China's most senior diplomat after being made director of the Foreign Affairs Commission Office at the turn of the year.

"If the United States does not hit the brakes, and continues to speed down the wrong path, no amount of guardrails can prevent derailment, which will become conflict and confrontation, and who will bear the catastrophic consequences?"

U.S. officials often speak of establishing guardrails in the bilateral relationship to prevent tensions from escalating into crises.

Qin likened Sino-U.S. competition to a race between two Olympic athletes.

"If one side, instead of focusing on giving one's best, always tries to trip the other up, even to the extent that they must enter the Paralympics, then this is not fair competition," he said.

'JACKALS AND WOLVES'

During a nearly two-hour news conference in which he answered questions submitted in advance, Qin made a robust defence of "wolf warrior diplomacy", an assertive and often abrasive stance adopted by China's diplomats since 2020.

"When jackals and wolves are blocking the way, and hungry wolves are attacking us, Chinese diplomats must then dance with the wolves and protect and defend our home and country," he said.

Qin also said that an "invisible hand" was pushing for the escalation of the war in Ukraine "to serve certain geopolitical agendas", without specifying who he was referring to.

He reiterated China's call for dialogue to end the war.

China struck a "no limits" partnership with Russia last year, weeks before its invasion of Ukraine, and China has blamed NATO expansion for triggering the war, echoing Russia's complaint.

China has declined to condemn the invasion and has fiercely defended its stance on Ukraine, despite Western criticism of its failure to single Russia out as the aggressor.

China has also vehemently denied U.S. accusations that it has been considering supplying Russia with weapons.

ADVANCING RELATIONS WITH MOSCOW

Qin said China had to advance its relations with Russia as the world becomes more turbulent and close interactions between President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, anchored the neighbours' relations.

He did not give a definite answer when asked if Xi would visit Russia after China's parliament session, which goes on for one more week.

Since Russia invaded its southwestern neighbour a year ago Xi has held talks several times with Putin, but not with his Ukrainian counterpart. This undermines China's claim of neutrality in the conflict, Kyiv's top diplomat in Beijing said last month.

Asked whether it was possible that China and Russia would abandon the U.S. dollar and euro for bilateral trade, Qin said countries should use whatever currency was efficient, safe and credible.

China has been looking to internationalise its currency, the yuan, which gained popularity in Russia last year after Western sanctions shut Russia's banks and many of its companies out of the dollar and euro payment systems.

"Currencies should not be the trump card for unilateral sanctions, still less a disguise for bullying or coercion," Qin said.

*Reporting by Yew Lun Tian, Laurie Chen, Ryan Woo and the Beijing Newsroom; Writing by Martin Quin Pollard; Editing by Lincoln Feast and Tom Hogue

LONDON, March 7 (Reuters) - BP hasn't fallen out of love with renewables. It just wants to have more power.

CEO Bernard Looney's pursuit of green energy outstripped all rivals three years ago when he outlined a radical blueprint to move away from fossil fuels. Last month he applied the brakes, slowing BP's planned cuts in oil and gas and scaling back planned renewables spending in the wake of the war in Ukraine.

Dotzenrath told Reuters BP was reviewing its solar and onshore wind businesses as part of a revamp that will see it move away from selling the clean electricity it produces, and instead keep hold of most of it to supply its growing electric vehicle charging network and production of low-carbon fuels.

The onshore renewables scrutiny, which hasn't been previously reported, follows reviews by Dotzenrath of BP's offshore wind and hydrogen businesses over the past year which led to overhauls that saw the company install new managers , hire staff , scrap some projects and seek to revise terms of others.

BP's head of renewables and gas didn't elaborate on the nature of the latest review. The green stakes are high, though, given solar alone comprises more than half of BP's 43-gigawatt renewables project pipeline.

Dotzenrath also put the first numbers to BP's rebalancing act, which comes amid deteriorating profits in renewables power generation, telling Reuters that the company aimed to retain 80% of the power produced to supply the global EV network and to make "green" fuels such as hydrogen, seen by many transition experts as a key fuel of the future.

She did not give a timeframe for the shift, which represents a major pivot given the vast majority of BP's renewables output is currently linked to power grids. BP will continue to build some projects under traditional power supply deals, she added.

"We will not grow renewables for the sake of growing wind and solar," said Dotzenrath, who is marking a year in the job after joining BP shortly after Russia's invasion undermined Europe's energy security, fuelled bumper profits for oil and gas and changed the calculus of the energy transition. "Our strategy is not necessarily about asset ownership in renewables, but it comes as a consequence. It is really about securing access to cheap - the cheapest - green electron," she added, referring to electricity from renewable sources.

IN FOCUS: VENTURE WITH EQUINOR

The most eye-popping change in the strategy update last month was BP slowing its planned cuts in oil and gas output from 40% to 25% by 2030 compared with 2019 levels.

It also lowered its projected annual spending on renewables to up to $5 billion by 2030 out of a total group budget of up to $18 billion, from $6 billion out of $16 billion under its previous update in 2022, according to a Reuters analysis.

While BP's move to produce more oil and gas for longer puts it more in line with its peers, its 25% annual reduction goal is still more ambitious than any of its global rivals.

The paring of green ambitions has been cheered by the market, with BP shares leaping about 17% since the Feb. 7 strategy update, much more than any other rival Western major.

By contrast, BP had significantly underperformed rivals since Looney outlined his industry-leading transition plans three years ago, remaining largely flat until the announcement compared with a 20% gain for Shell and 84% rise for Exxon.

The renewables revamp reflects an acknowledgement that the company won't be able to sufficiently compete with traditional power generators if it simply sells the energy produced by its wind and solar projects, according to Dotzenrath.

"It's a critical feedstock," she said. "If it is not integrated with our other businesses, we will not do this because we don't believe that we have a competitive edge."

The company's new trajectory has placed its flagship U.S. offshore wind joint venture with Norway's Equinor in the focus of managers, five sources familiar with the matter separately told Reuters.

BP executives, including Dotzenrath, have held several meetings with Equinor in London in recent weeks to discuss ways to give the oil major greater clout in the venture, said the two BP and three Equinor sources, who are close to the talks and declined to be named due to the sensitivity of the matter.

BP wants more of its staff involved in the Oslo-based venture, the people said. One of the Equinor sources with direct knowledge of the operations said BP currently had more than 20 people working on the JV projects out of a total of over 270.

Equinor declined to comment on any "speculation" about changes to the venture sought by BP. It said it looked forward to applying their combined expertise to develop projects on the U.S. East Coast. Dotzenrath also declined to comment on this.

"I am very happy with the joint venture and the progress we are making with the projects," Dotzenrath said. "These are very, very complex, large, mega projects ... we have much more ability to support Equinor in the delivery of these projects."

THAT'S THE BRUTAL REALITY

When BP paid $1.1 billion for its 50% stake in the venture to enter offshore wind in 2020, it was more reliant on the know-how of Equinor, which had over a decade of experience and specialism in the sector.

Over the past two years, though, BP has brought in hundreds of staff from renewables firms. It has also broken from its tradition of developing leaders internally and hired senior executives such as Dotzenrath, a former CEO of Germany's RWE Renewables, and an offshore wind chief from Danish giant Orsted.

The UK major surprised many investors and analysts in December when it decided not to join Equinor in bidding on a floating wind project off California. Floating offshore wind is a nascent technology that remains significantly more expensive than turbines fixed to the seabed.

"This was a portfolio decision," Dotzenrath said. "The North Sea is much more important to us and our integration story than California. I think that's the brutal reality at the moment."

THE NEW NORMAL IN NUMBERS

BP's renewables revamp is underpinned by its projections about how much money it can make from the production and sale of green power versus higher-margin low-carbon businesses within its own integrated operations.

The company's outlook for its average core earnings from oil and gas in 2030 grew by around $10 billion to $42.5 billion over the course of last year, and by a meagre $1.5 billion to $11 billion from energy-transition businesses including renewables.

BP expects a return on investment of at least 15% on bioenergy including biogas as well as from combining EV charging with retail stores. Hydrogen is seen bringing in 10% returns, with renewables lagging at a maximum of 8% under the current model dominated by power sales.

While BP had a stated target in 2020 of trading 500 terawatt hours of electricity by 2030 – twice the volume in 2019 - no such target featured in its 2023 strategy update.

Dotzenrath said growth in renewables capacity would be in service to green hydrogen and other businesses it supplied internally with clean power.

"We take the green electron and do something with it," she added. "Access and control over the green electron is key because the world is short of green electrons."

Seaboard: pioneers in power generation in the country

…armando rodríguez, vice-president and executive director of the company, talks to us about their projects in the dr, where they have been operating for 32 years..

More than 32 years ago, back in January 1990, Seaboard began operations as the first independent power producer (IPP) in the Dominican Republic. They became pioneers in the electricity market by way of the commercial operations of Estrella del Norte, a 40MW floating power generation plant and the first of three built for Seaboard by Wärtsilä.

PARIS — The planets now seem aligned to finally push a trade deal between the EU and Latin American countries over the finish line. Well, all planets but one — Jupiter, France’s nickname for Emmanuel Macron.

EU negotiators are traveling to Buenos Aires this week for a final stretch of trade talks with the Latin American Mercosur countries. But the main opponent of the deal is less than a 90-minute rail trip away from Brussels, in Paris. The French government says it wants to wait and see before signing off on the deal. But currently it’s mostly waiting.

The discussions could get tricky, as Brussels will only sign on the dotted line if Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay agree to extra climate commitments that it has now put to the Mercosur countries in writing for the first time.

Publicly, there are few signs that France will budge. “I have held a firm position and I will continue to hold it,” Macron told farmers in late February.

In Brussels, though, several EU diplomats said that Paris’ opposition to the deal has become less vocal. They see this as a sign that France could change its mind as geopolitical tensions following the war in Ukraine and the coronavirus pandemic strengthen the case for the 27-nation bloc to diversify its trading relationships.

“We all expect a shift in Paris but this has not been tested politically yet,” said an EU diplomat, predicting that “this year will be the real test” for France after the election last year of Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva installed a leader in Brazil with whom Europe can do business.

The political context in Paris has changed, too, since Macron won reelection last year for a second and final term as president, another EU diplomat said, meaning he faces less pressure to please France’s globalization-skeptic voters.

Paris wants the Mercosur bloc to commit to stop illegal deforestation in the Amazon, to comply with the Paris climate agreement, and to apply the same environmental and sanitary standards as EU farmers. “We are still far from that,” a French official said.

It's a message that Macron drove home last week, albeit indirectly, on a trip to Africa where — posing before a scenic backdrop of rainforest in Gabon, on Central Africa's Atlantic coast — he emphasized the importance of primary tropical rainforests in soaking up carbon emissions.

One more thing ...

The European Commission has to assuage the concerns of France, the European Parliament and NGOs, and it has been working on a legally-binding addendum on how to include extra environmental criteria from the Mercosur countries without having to reopen the original trade deal and make changes to it.

The secret document has yet to be published, and the French government hasn’t yet taken a position on it. But the same French official conceded that France’s worries could be addressed without reopening the deal itself — a sign that the additional protocol could be enough to persuade Paris to change its mind. Supporters of the deal stress that much has changed since it was first struck in 2019, including the fact that the EU now has new rules banning the import of goods whose production entails deforestation. Also, last year, the EU implemented a new carbon border tax that would hit polluting competitors around the world.

Farmer Julien Georges at the Salon de l’Agriculture | Giorgio Leali for POLITICO

Former EU trade commissioner and WTO chief Pascal Lamy said the Commission should be brave and defy Paris in a vote amongst EU capitals.

“At the end of the day, the Commission should ask the Council for a vote, saying that we have spent a lot of time trying to get everyone to agree and that there is not a blocking minority of member states. I had to do it myself when I was commissioner," said Lamy, noting that the trade section of the deal doesn’t need the unanimous support of EU capitals to pass.

Opposition to the Mercosur deal is almost unanimous in France, with all political groups and the country’s powerful farm lobby FNSEA constantly describing it as a threat to farmers and consumers.

Backing the deal could mean losing the support of French farmers, who could then swing towards Marine Le Pen’s far-right National Rally, Macron’s arch-nemesis.

“Many small farmers switched to the National Rally, it’s the pressure of the National Rally,” as Lamy put it.

Healthy diet

When Macron in late February visited the Salon de l’Agriculture , a major farming event on the outskirts of Paris, he spent most of his day with livestock breeders and had lunch with meat industry representatives worried that the Mercosur deal would open the floodgates to imports of South American beef.

“Feeding the French people with merde (shit) so that we can export other products to South America is inadmissible,” farmer Julien Georges, who owns a herd of 140 Charolais cattle in the Lorraine region, told POLITICO as Macron stood nearby.

But not everyone is against the deal in France. Business organizations in France and Europe in the past repeatedly urged Brussels and Paris to unlock the deal.

“We are unable to defend the agreement. Even if we are in favor of it, politically it does not pass,” said a French industry representative, who refused to speak publicly, stressing the political sensitivity of the deal in France.

The French government is gearing up to face additional pressure as Brussels is moving faster to push the deal beyond the finish line. Officials from the economy and trade ministries are testing the waters, for instance by setting up meetings with industry representatives.

“We know very well that some want to make progress on [the deal], we will see what balances can evolve,” said one official from the French prime minister's office, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.

For Lamy, the former trade commissioner, the time has come for Paris to finally be pragmatic and back a deal where Europe has more to gain than to lose.

“If you think that you can open that market without having to pay something when it comes to agriculture … you must be dreaming!”

Giorgio Leali reported from Paris, and Camille Gijs and Sarah Anne Aarup from Brussels. Additional reporting by Barbara Moens.

Cooperate with objective and ethical thinking…

Eni Chief Executive Officer Claudio Descalzi attends a signing ceremony as QatarEnergy joins TotalEnergies and Eni to explore Lebanon's offshore oil and gas, in Beirut, Lebanon January 29, 2023. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo

HOUSTON, March 7 (Reuters) - Eni (ENI.MI) CEO Claudio Descalzi said on Tuesday that the natural gas market will be "more difficult" for Europe this winter through 2025 due to a lack of supply from Russia.

"Now there's no Russian gas at all."

latin-america-&-caribbean

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IMAGES

Chinese president Xi Jinping's favourite books
Musings of an Old Curmudgeon: Churches Told to Worship the CCP or Face Closure
The Xi Jinping Era: His Comprehensive Strategy Toward the China Dream
The Xi Jinping Era: His Comprehensive Strategy Towards The China Dream by Hong Liu
Chinese Leader Xi Jinping's Mind Explained
Xi Jinping Book Pdf

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COMMENTS

Xi Jinping: The Governance of China Volume 1: [English Language Version]
The first published work by a sitting Chinese President, Xi Jinping: The Governance of China offers a unique look inside the Communist Party of China and its vision for the future. The book presents excerpts and summaries of 79 speeches, talks, interviews, instructions and correspondences in 18 chapters.
CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping Hardcover
Xi Jinping: Political Career, Governance, and Leadership, 1953-2018 Alfred L. Chan 6 Hardcover 19 offers from $36.80 The Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State Elizabeth C. Economy 363 Paperback 48 offers from $7.45 Xi Jinping: The Most Powerful Man in the World Stefan Aust 10 Hardcover 44 offers from $16.23
Xi Jinping: The Backlash by Richard McGregor
Xi Jinping: The Backlash is a succinct overview (~115 small pages) of Xi's political attitude, CCP dynamics, and the relationship between China and the U.S. (plus Australia, Germany, and Singapore).
Xi Jinping's Book List: "You Are What You Read"
Xi Jinping's Book List: "You Are What You Read" Posted by Samuel Wade | Oct 17, 2016 On Friday, The Washington Post's Simon Denyer noted Chinese bookstores' removal or defacing of pages...
China: Is President Xi Jinping's Book Really a Best Seller?
The first book to be published by a sitting Chinese President, Xi Jinping: the Governance of China is a 516-page collection of 79 of Xi's speeches, interviews, instructions and correspondence ...
Why Read Xi Jinping's Book?
- The Diplomat China Power Why Read Xi Jinping's Book? Recent Features Diplomacy The South American Election That Has Taiwan Scrambling Politics The Communist Party of Vietnam's New Approach to...
Xi Jinping
Xi Jinping president of China External Websites Written by Melissa Albert Melissa Albert was a research editor at Encyclopædia Britannica. Her first novel, The Hazel Wood (2018), was a New York Times bestseller. Melissa Albert Fact-checked by The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Why Xi Jinping Blames U.S. Containment for China's Troubles
阅读简体中文版閱讀繁體中文版 As he heads into an expected third term as president, China's top leader, Xi Jinping, is signaling that he will take a harder stance against what he perceives as an effort by...
xi jinping: China's other top leaders bring loyalty to Xi Jinping
The backgrounds of the six show the continued "prominence of politics in Xi Jinping's vision for China's governance," said Neil Thomas, a fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute's Center for China Analysis. ... Wang is known for authoring books critiquing Western politics and society, and is expected to be named head of the Chinese People's ...
How a Book About America's History Foretold China's Future
How a Book About America's History Foretold China's Future. In 1989, a young Chinese academic spent six months travelling in the United States. His insights are now central to Xi Jinping's ...
List of books in Xi Jinping's library
Press: Zhonghua Book Company. The Chronicle of Zuo is a narrative history covering Chinese history from 722 B.C to 468 B.C. It's considered a faithful record of history one of the most important classics of Chinese history. In a speech at UNESCO headquarters in 2014, Xi made a reference to the work as he explained the traditional Chinese view ...
Have the courage to fight, urges Xi Jinping
Xi Jinping has said China needs to harden its scientific self-sufficiency, build its "strategic capabilities" and promote a nationwide love of the military, as communist party members are ...
Xi Jinping by Stefan Aust and Adrian Geiges; China After Mao by Frank
Xi Jinping: The Most Powerful Man in the World by Stefan Aust and Adrian Geiges (translated by Daniel Steuer) is published by Polity Press (£25). To support the Guardian and Observer order your ...
Xi by Kerry Brown review
I n November 2012 Xi Jinping was made general secretary of the Chinese Communist party, the top spot in the country's political system. Since March 2013 he has also been president, a largely ...
What does Xi Jinping's tighter regulatory grip on China mean for
China's lowest growth target in decades signals era of caution. These will give Xi even more direct control over government bodies, according to analysts. The institutional reforms are "part ...
Books by Xi Jinping
Work Together to Advance National Renewal and Peaceful Reunification of China: Address at the 40th Anniversary Conference for Message to Compatriots in Taiwan (January 2, 2019) (Chinese Edition) Xi Jinping. 01 Jan 2019. Paperback. US$3.10.
China's other top leaders bring loyalty to Xi, experience
Six men sit alongside Chinese leader Xi Jinping on the ruling Communist Party's all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee, handling major portfolios from propaganda to corruption fighting
China's Xi Jinping calls for 'more quickly elevating' armed forces
China's leader Xi Jinping has called for "more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards," in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened by a U.S.-led campaign...
China's Xi calls for 'more quickly elevating' armed forces
BEIJING (AP) — China's leader Xi Jinping has called for "more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards," in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened by a U.S.-led campaign of "containment, encirclement and suppression of China.". China must maximize its "national strategic capabilities" in a bid to "systematically upgrade the country's ...
China's other top leaders bring loyalty to Xi, experience
The Associated Press. TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — Six men sit alongside Chinese leader Xi Jinping on the ruling Communist Party's all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee, handling major portfolios ...
Xi Jinping's Anticorruption Campaign
Read "Xi Jinping's Anticorruption Campaign The Politics of Revenge" by Steven P. Feldman available from Rakuten Kobo. Through empirical analysis and conceptual development, this book analyzes the political psychology of Xi Jinping's Antic...
Xi Jinping recalls literary influences, favorite books
Xi Jinping recalls literary influences, favorite books. Oct. 15 marks the second anniversary of a symposium for Chinese artists, chaired by Chinese President Xi Jinping. Xi has called for artists to "create more works that are both artistically outstanding and morally inspiring.". In the past two years, encouraged by his words and stories ...
Essence of Xi's Book
THE second volume of President Xi Jinping's book on governance was published in both Chinese and English in November 2017. Since the publication of its first volume in September 2014 which collected Xi's works from November 15, 2012 to June 13, 2014, the book has received widespread attention and praise from readers at home and abroad.
China's Xi calls for 'more quickly elevating' armed forces
Article. BEIJING — China's leader Xi Jinping has called for "more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards," in a speech days after he warned the country was threatened ...
Details
This classic work on education sets forth the unique and challenging idea that "the work of education and the work of redemption are one.". The ultimate goal of all learning should be to understand more about our Creator-Redeemer and to reflect that understanding in our personal lives. In her writings on this subject, Ellen White was ...
Tech war: China-listed unit of server maker Inspur on US trade
This week, Chinese President Xi Jinping for the first time directly criticised the US for leading an "all-round containment, encirclement and suppression" of China. However, progress in self-sufficiency has been limited. Ivan Lam, senior analyst at market consultancy Counterpoint Research, said there was a technology gap between imported tech ...
News round-up, March 7, 2023 by GERMÁN & CO
News round-up, March 7, 2023 by GERMÁN & CO. image credit: Germán & Co. German Toro Ghio 37,058. CEO, Germán & Co. Germán José Manuel Toro Ghio, son of Germán Alfonso and Jenny Isabel Cristina, became a citizen of planet Earth in the cold dawn of Sunday, May 11, 1958, in Santiago, capital of southern Chile.... Member since 2022.